Caracterização agrotecnológica de cultivares de cana-de-açúcar (Saccharum spp.) na região centro-norte do estado de São Paulo

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Pollen records from Elbe-Weser Dreieck

A long-running interdisciplinary research project on the development of landscape, prehistoric habitation and the history of vegetation within a "siedlungskammer" (limited habitation areal from neolithic to modern times has been carried out in the NW German lowlands, The siedlungskammer Flögeln is situated between the rivers Weser and EIbe and comprises about 23.5 km^2. It is an isolated pleistocene area surrounded by bogs, the soils consisting mainly of poor sands. In this siedlungskammer large-seale archaeological excavations and mappings have been performed, parallel to pedological, historical and above all pollen analytical investigations. The aim of the project is to record the individual phases in time, to delimit the respective settlement areas and to reconstruct the conditions of life and economy for each time period. A dense network of 10 pollen diagrams has been constructed. Several of them derive from the marginal area and from the centre of the large raised bog north of the siedlungskammer. These diagrams reflect the history of vegetation and habitation of a large region; due to the large pollen source area the habitation phases in the diagrams are poorly defined. Even in the utmost marginal diagram of this woodless bog, a great village with adjoining fields, situated only 100 m away from it, is registered with only low values of anthropogenic indicators. In contrast to this, the numerous pollen diagrams from kettle-hole bogs inside the siedlungskammer yield an exact picture of the habitation of the siedlungskammer and their individual parts. Early traces of habitation can be identified in the pollen diagram soon after the elm decline (around 5190 BP). Some time later in the middle neolithic period there follows a marked habitation phase, which starts between 4500 and 4400 BP and reflects the immigration of the trichterbecher culture. It corresponds to the landnam phase of Iversen in Denmark and begins with a sharp decline of the pollen curves of lime and oak, followed by the increase of anthropogenic indicators pointing to arable and pastural farming. High values of wild grasses and Calluna witness extensive forest grazing. This middle to late neolithic habitation is also registered archaeologically by settlements and numerous graves. After low human activity during Bronze Age and Older Iron Age times the archaeological and pollen analytical records of Roman and Migration periods is again very strong. This is followed by a gap in habitation during the 6th and 7th centuries and afterwards in the western part of the siedlungskammer from about 700 AD until the 14th century by the activity of the medieval village of Dalem, that was also excavated and whose fields were recorded by phosphate mapping to a size of 117 hectares. This medieval settlement phase is marked by much cereal cultivation (mainly rye). The dense network of pollen diagrams offers an opportunity to register the dispersion of the anthropogenic indicators from the areas of settlement to different distances and thus to obtain quantitative clues for the assessment of these anthropogenic indicators in pollen diagrams. In fig. 4 the reflection of the neolithic culture in the kettle-hole bogs and the large raised bog is shown in 3 phases: a) pre landnam, b) TRB-landnam, c) post landnam. Among arboreal pollen the reaction of Quercus is sharp close to the settlement but is not found at more distant profiles, whilst in contrast to this Tilia shows a significant decline even far away from the settlements. The record of most anthropogenic indicators outside the habitation area is very low, in particular cereal pollen is poorly dispersed; much more certain as an indicator for habitation (also for arable farming!) is Plantago lanceolata. A strong increase of wild grasses (partly Calluna aswell) some distance from the habitation areas indicates far reaching forest grazing. Fig. 5 illustrates the reflection of the anthropogenie indicators from the medieval village Dalem. In this instance the field area could be mapped exactly using phosphate investigations, and it has been possible to indicate the precise distances of the profile sites from the medieval fields. Here also, there is a clear correlation between decreasing anthropogenic indicators and increasing distance. In a kettle-hole bog (FLH) a distance of 3000 m away this marked settlement phase is not registered. The contrast between the pollen diagrams SWK and FLH (fig. 2 + 3, enclosure), illustrates the strong differences between diagrams from kettlehole bogs close to and distant from the settlements, for the neolithic as well as for the medieval period. On the basis of the examples presented here, implications concerning the interpretation of pollen diagrams with respect to habitation phases are discussed.

Neogene palaeoclimate reconstructions in Anatolia (Turkey)

Neogene basins are widespread in Turkey and contain important lignite deposits. In this study, we reconstruct quantitatively the Late Oligocene-Miocene climate evolution in western and central Anatolia by applying the Coexistence Approach to the palynoflora. The obtained results are compared with the data derived from the published and ongoing studies in western and central Anatolia palynofloras by application of the Coexistence Approach. The Coexistence Approach results show that the sedimentation mainly developed on terrestrial environment under the warm subtropical climatic conditions and marine influence during the Chattian and Aquitanian period in western Anatolia (16.5-21.3°C of mean annual temperature (MAT) and 5.5-13.3°C of mean temperature of coldest month (CMT)). After the regression of the sea during the Burdigalian period, the vegetation developed under the terrestrial conditions, which had started in the Burdigalian time in western and central Anatolia and continued in the early-middle Serravallian period. Warm subtropical climate is suggested during the Chattian and Aquitanian period in western Anatolia and becomes cooler in subtropical conditions because of decreasing of the P/A-ratio during the latest Burdigalian-Langhian. The climate was subtropical in western and central Anatolia during the Early-Late Serravalian due to the increasing of the subtropical elements (17.2 to 20.8°C of MAT and 9.6 to13.1°C of CMT). Besides, decreasing of the CMT and MAT values in western and central Anatolia supports the latest Chattian-earliest Aquitanian warming and middle Miocene climatic optimum that is also globally observed. Warm temperate climatic conditions are observed in the Late Miocene. During the early-middle Tortonian, the values are 15.6 to 20.8°C for the MAT, 5.5 to 13.3°C for the CMT and 823 and 1520 mm for the mean annual precipitation (MAP). They had also dry seasons due to lower boundary of MAP lying at 823mm during the middle-Late Tortonian. The palaeotopography of central Anatolia was higher when compared to that of western Anatolia because dominance of the mountain forests was present during the Middle-Late Miocene in central Anatolia. This study provides the first quantitative model for Late Oligocene-Miocene palaeoclimatic evolution in western and central Anatolia.

Ages at DSDP Site 86-577

A synthesis of paleomagnetic and calcareous nannofossil stratigraphies for the sedimentary sequences recovered at Deep Sea Drilling Project (DSDP) Site 577 on the Shatsky Rise is presented. Numerical ages are estimated for a series of nannofossil datum levels from the late Maestrichtian to middle Eocene period ( about 68 to about 52 m.y. ago) and the late Cenozoic (last about 5 m.y.). Absolute age control is obtained on the basis of the revised geomagnetic polarity time scale of. The results are compared with various sets of data reported in the literature, in particular to magnetobiochronologies derived from marine sections accessible on land in Italy and from recent DSDP boreholes in the South Atlantic, and with the summary by Berggren et al. Although a number of minor discrepancies remain to be resolved, the remarkable general agreement of the data validates the basic concept of this approach to the elaboration of a calibrated geologic time scale.

Biostratigraphic and paleomagnetic datum levels in sediments from DSDP Site 85-575

Data on the composition of benthic foraminiferal faunas at Deep Sea Drilling Project Site 575 in the eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean were combined with benthic and planktonic carbon- and oxygen-isotope records and CaCO3 data. Changes in the composition of the benthic foraminiferal faunas at Site 575 predated the middle Miocene period of growth of the Antarctic ice cap and cooling of the deep ocean waters by about 2 m.y., and thus were not caused by this cooling (as has been proposed). The benthic faunal changes may have been caused by increased variability in corrosivity of the bottom waters, possibly resulting from enhanced productivity in the surface waters.

Appendicular robusticity and the paleobiology of modern human emergence

The emergence of modern humans in the Late Pleistocene, whatever its phylogenetic history, was characterized by a series of behaviorally important shifts reflected in aspects of human hard tissue biology and the archeological record. To elucidate these shifts further, diaphyseal cross-sectional morphology was analyzed by using cross-sectional areas and second moments of area of the mid-distal humerus and midshaft femur. The humeral diaphysis indicates a gradual reduction in habitual load levels from Eurasian late archaic, to Early Upper Paleolithic early modern, to Middle Upper Paleolithic early modern hominids, with the Levantine Middle Paleolithic early modern humans being a gracile anomalous outlier. The femoral diaphysis, once variation in ecogeographically patterned body proportions is taken into account, indicates no changes across the pre-30,000 years B.P. samples in habitual locomotor load levels, followed by a modest decrease through the Middle Upper Paleolithic.

Behavioral inferences from the Skhul/Qafzeh early modern human hand remains

Two groups of humans are found in the Near East ≈100,000 years ago, the late archaic Neanderthals and the early modern Skhul/Qafzeh humans. Observations that Neanderthals were more heavily muscled, had stronger upper-limb bones, and possessed unusual shapes and orientations of some upper-limb joint complexes relative to the Skhul/Qafzeh hominids, have led some researchers to conclude that significant between-group upper-limb-related behavioral differences must have been present, despite the association of the two groups with similar Middle Paleolithic archeological complexes. A three-dimensional morphometric analysis of the hand remains of the Skhul/Qafzeh hominids, Neanderthals, early and late Upper Paleolithic humans, and Holocene humans supports the dichotomy. The Skhul/Qafzeh carpometacarpal remains do not have any unique morphologies relative to the other fossil samples remains examined. However, in the functionally significant metacarpal 1 and 3 bases they resemble Upper Paleolithic humans, not Neanderthals. Furthermore, the Skhul/Qafzeh sample differs significantly from the Neanderthals in many other aspects of hand functional anatomy. Given the correlations between changes in tool technologies and functional adaptations seen in the hands of Upper Paleolithic humans, it is concluded that the Skhul/Qafzeh hand remains were adapted to Upper Paleolithic-like manipulative repertoires. These results support the inference of significant behavioral differences between Neanderthals and the Skhul/Qafzeh hominids and indicate that a significant shift in human manipulative behaviors was associated with the earliest stages of the emergence of modern humans.

Les dépotoirs dans le schème d’établissement iroquoien : exemple du site Mailhot-Curran

Dans ce mémoire, intitulé « Les dépotoirs dans le schème d’établissement iroquoien: exemple du site Mailhot-Curran», je m’attèle à définir les modes de rejets des déchets dans le contexte d’un schème d’établissement sédentaire semi-permanent au Sylvicole supérieur. Les dépotoirs des sites archéologiques ne semblent pas obtenir toute l’attention analytique qui leur est due et l’étude des modes de rejets a longtemps été négligée. Pourtant, les amas de déchets sont récurrents sur les sites du Nord-Est américain et ce depuis le Sylvicole moyen. L’étude approfondie de l’organisation d’un site iroquoien se doit de passer par la compréhension des modes d’élimination des déchets, puisque la gestion des rejets est généralement le reflet de la structure du site et du type de peuplement. Les dépotoirs peuvent fournir des informations précieuses sur les zones d’activité, la fonction du site ou encore la durée d’occupation. Le village de Mailhot-Curran témoigne de plusieurs concentrations d’objets. Je souhaite établir si ces concentrations de vestiges peuvent être qualifiées de dépotoirs et si oui, peut-on en distinguer différents types? D’autre part, je m’intéresse à l’aspect social qui encadre la mise en place de dépotoirs. Bien que les dépotoirs soient des indices associés aux premières traces de sédentarité saisonnière, leur présence est précisément liée au phénomène de sédentarisation annuelle. Il s’agit également de définir le geste culturel, l’assainissement d’un village étant un schéma culturel très répandu. De ce geste de rejet découle forcément le choix d’un emplacement, ainsi que le concept de «flux de déplacement» des déchets. Il s’agit de déterminer le lien entretenu entre les aires d’activités et les aires de dépôts primaires et secondaires. Pour ce faire, il est primordial d’évaluer la densité, l’hétérogénéité et le contenu des dépotoirs. Suite à la définition de l’ensemble de ces concepts appliqués au site Mailhot-Curran, je souhaite, à travers une étude comparative, répondre à la question suivante : Les dépotoirs peuvent-ils refléter une pratique culturelle commune aux villages iroquoiens de la région de Saint-Anicet?

Les dépotoirs dans le schème d’établissement iroquoien : exemple du site Mailhot-Curran

Dans ce mémoire, intitulé « Les dépotoirs dans le schème d’établissement iroquoien: exemple du site Mailhot-Curran», je m’attèle à définir les modes de rejets des déchets dans le contexte d’un schème d’établissement sédentaire semi-permanent au Sylvicole supérieur. Les dépotoirs des sites archéologiques ne semblent pas obtenir toute l’attention analytique qui leur est due et l’étude des modes de rejets a longtemps été négligée. Pourtant, les amas de déchets sont récurrents sur les sites du Nord-Est américain et ce depuis le Sylvicole moyen. L’étude approfondie de l’organisation d’un site iroquoien se doit de passer par la compréhension des modes d’élimination des déchets, puisque la gestion des rejets est généralement le reflet de la structure du site et du type de peuplement. Les dépotoirs peuvent fournir des informations précieuses sur les zones d’activité, la fonction du site ou encore la durée d’occupation. Le village de Mailhot-Curran témoigne de plusieurs concentrations d’objets. Je souhaite établir si ces concentrations de vestiges peuvent être qualifiées de dépotoirs et si oui, peut-on en distinguer différents types? D’autre part, je m’intéresse à l’aspect social qui encadre la mise en place de dépotoirs. Bien que les dépotoirs soient des indices associés aux premières traces de sédentarité saisonnière, leur présence est précisément liée au phénomène de sédentarisation annuelle. Il s’agit également de définir le geste culturel, l’assainissement d’un village étant un schéma culturel très répandu. De ce geste de rejet découle forcément le choix d’un emplacement, ainsi que le concept de «flux de déplacement» des déchets. Il s’agit de déterminer le lien entretenu entre les aires d’activités et les aires de dépôts primaires et secondaires. Pour ce faire, il est primordial d’évaluer la densité, l’hétérogénéité et le contenu des dépotoirs. Suite à la définition de l’ensemble de ces concepts appliqués au site Mailhot-Curran, je souhaite, à travers une étude comparative, répondre à la question suivante : Les dépotoirs peuvent-ils refléter une pratique culturelle commune aux villages iroquoiens de la région de Saint-Anicet?