47 resultados para Majorities.


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A mail survey was conducted to assess current computer hardware use and perceived needs of potential users for software related to crop pest management in Nebraska. Surveys were sent to University of Nebraska-Lincoln agricultural extension agents, agribusiness personnel (including independent crop consultants), and crop producers identified by extension agents as computer users. There were no differences between the groups in several aspects of computer hardware use (percentage computer use, percentage IBM-compatible computer, amount of RAM memory, percentage with hard drive, hard drive size, or monitor graphics capability). Responses were similar among the three groups in several areas that are important to crop pest management (pest identification, pest biology, treatment decision making, control options, and pesticide selection), and a majority of each group expressed the need for additional sources of such information about insects, diseases, and weeds. However, agents mentioned vertebrate pest management information as a need more often than the other two groups. Also, majorities of each group expressed an interest in using computer software, if available, to obtain information in these areas. Appropriate software to address these needs should find an audience among all three groups.

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This doctoral thesis seeks to make a comprehensive analysis of neoconstitutionalism, studying their manifestations in constitutional law and doctrine. Neoconstitutionalism, as a new manifestation of constitutional phenomenon that emerged after World War II, is characterized by the need to take any legal possession of certain premises, materials of an immovable, coinciding with the fundamental human rights, which will fall outside the potential political majorities, and become its cornerstone. These assumptions are intended as safeguards needed to protect human dignity and the democratic system itself against anyone, even taking advantage of a power obtained democratically which intends to demolish the pillars of democracy and to establish tyranny. The Constitution is enshrined as a basic rule of real system, a repository of these fundamental rights, the observance by public authorities becomes inexcusable. This will involve a role for judicial review in its protection. Thus, supremacy of the constitution, deepening respect for and promotion of fundamental rights and role of constitutional judge as the guarantor of its validity are the bases of neoconstitutionalism, a legal phenomenon not only current, but evolving.

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First meeting, common interests and ways together The European Centre for Social Welfare, Training and Research situated in Vienna, was our first meeting place. W. Lorenz was interested in the international comparison of the different concepts and perspectives of social welfare problems in the European countries and the different developments in the training of social professions in Europe. The challenge of intercultural, antiracist social work in the context of Erasmus-Intensive Seminars To organize an intensive seminar with the aim to train students and colleagues for intercultural and antiracist competence in social professions, we formed an European network of European universities and schools of s.w. in Vienna (VIENNET), with the support of ECCE (European Centre of Community Education) in Koblenz. “The group discovered that working on these issues in an international context raises issues of ‘difference’ with renewed acuteness”(cit. W. Lorenz). We learned to cope with a variety of differences: biographical, language, theoretical and institutional backgrounds and discourse traditions. A Venue for an Intensive Seminar In choosing a venue for an Intensive Seminar we were relatively free. We locked for a place, “one dream about”, to support in the best way our seminar aims, to promote a base built on knowledge, skills and values particularly in the area of inner/outer borders, disadvantage, ignorance, minorities, majorities, vulnerable groups, racism and xenophobia. In a small village in Burgenland (Austria), very close to the Hungarian border, we thought to have found it. Future Prospect Are we only representatives of our background institutions or did we act and exposed ourselves as persons with a very specific biography and training experience. Can we sustain this created network, as a network of experts and friends in the field of intercultural, antiracist social work? This question is still open.

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Time is one of the scarcest resources in modern parliaments. In parliamentary systems of government the control of time in the chamber is a significant power resource enjoyed – to varying degrees – by parliamentary majorities and the governments they support. Minorities may not be able to muster enough votes to stop bills, but they may have – varying degrees of – delaying powers enabling them to extract concessions from majorities attempting to get on with their overall legislative programme. This paper provides a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the legislative process in 17 West European parliaments from the formal initiation of bills to their promulgation. The ‘biographies’ of a sample of bills are examined using techniques of event-history analysis (a) charting the dynamics of the legislative process both across the life-times of individual bills and different political systems and (b) examining whether, and to what extent, parliamentary rules and some general regime attributes influence the dynamics of this process, speeding up or delaying the passage of legislation. Using a veto-points framework and transaction cost politics as a theoretical framework, the quantitative analyses suggest a number of counter-intuitive findings (e.g., the efficiency of powerful committees) and cast doubt on some of the claims made by Tsebelis in his veto-player model.

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HUMAN ENDOGENOUS RETROVIRUS K AS A NOVEL TUMOR-ASSOCIATED ANTIGEN FOR DEVELOPMENT OF AN OVARIAN CANCER VACCINE Publication No.________Kiera Rycaj, B.S.Supervisory Professor: Feng Wang-Johanning, Ph.D., M.D. Ovarian cancer (OC) is the fourth most common cancer in women, and the most lethal gynecologic malignancy in the United States. Adequate screening methodologies are currently lacking and most women first present with either stage III or IV disease. To date, there has been no substantial decrease in death rates and the majorities of patients relapse and die from their disease despite response to first-line therapy. Several proteins, such as CA-125, are elevated in OC, but none has proven specific and sensitive enough to serve as a screening tool or for tumor cell recognition and lysis. It has been proposed that human endogenous retrovirus sequences (HERVs) may play a role in the etiology of certain cancers. In a previous study, we showed that HERV-K envelope (env) proteins are widely expressed in human invasive breast cancer (BC) and ductal carcinoma in situ (DCIS), and elicit both serologic and cell-mediated immune responses in BC patients. We also reported the expression of multiple HERV genes and proteins in OC cell lines and tissues. In this study, we strengthened our previous data by determining that HERV-K env mRNAs are expressed in 69% of primary OC tissues (n=29), but in only 24% of benign tissues (N=17). Immmunohistochemistry (IHC) staining revealed HERV-Kpositivecancer cells detected in endometrioid adenocarcinoma and serous adenocarcinoma but not in benign cyst or normal epithelium biopsies. Immunofluorescence staining (IFS) showed greater cell surface expression of HERV-K in OC samples compared to adjacent uninvolved samples. Enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) data confirmed that a humoral immune response is elicited against HERV-K in OC patients. T-cell responses against HERV-K in lymphocytes from OC patients stimulated with autologous HERV-K pulsed dendritic cells included induction of T-cell proliferation and IFN-γ production. HERV-K–specific cytolytic T cells induced greater specific lysis of OC target cells compared to benign and adjacent uninvolved target cells. Finally, upon T regulatory cell (T-reg) depletion, 64% of OC patients displayed an increase in the specific lysis of target cells expressing HERV-K env protein. These findings suggest that HERV-K env protein is a tumor-associated antigen capable of activating both T-cell and B-cell responses in OC patients, and has great potential in the development of immunotherapy regimens against OC.

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The EU has tried to bridge decision making by qualified majority and unanimity over the years by expanding qualified majorities (consensus) or by making unanimities easier to achieve. I call this decision-making procedure q-“unanimity” and trace its history from the Luxembourg compromise to the Lisbon Treaty, and to more recent agreements. I analyze the most recent and explicit mechanism of this bridging (article 31 (2) of the Lisbon Treaty) and identify one specific means by which the transformation of qualified majorities to unanimities is achieved: the reduction of precision or scope of the decision, so that different behaviors can be covered by it. I provide empirical evidence of such a mechanism by analyzing legislative decisions. Finally, I argue that this bridging is a ubiquitous feature of EU institutions, used in Treaties as well as in legislative decision-making.

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The ongoing selection of the next President of the European Commission has underscored the growing importance of the European Parliament in EU decisionmaking and in promoting democratic legitimacy at EU level. Strikingly, the new Parliament will be more Eurosceptical, radical and fragmented than ever before, which, among other things, will constrain the building of majorities to pass legislation and adopt decisions. The close relationship between the outcome of the EP elections and the governability of the EP should prompt a serious debate on the matter.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Great possessions. - Crime and punishment. - Christianity a danger to the state. - The salt of the earth. - The rights of majorities. - Discreditable conduct. - What is womanly? - Use and ornament. - Art and Citizenship. - Conscious and unconscious immortality.

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A study is reported that examines the effect of caffeine consumption on majority and minority influence. In a double blind procedure, 72 participants consumed an orange drink, which either contained caffeine (3.5mg per kilogram of body weight) or did not (placebo). After a 40-minute delay, participants read a counter-attitudinal message (antivoluntary euthanasia) endorsed by either a numerical majority or minority. Both direct (message issue, i.e., voluntary euthanasia) and indirect (message issue-related, i.e., abortion) change was assessed by attitude scales completed before and after exposure to the message. In the placebo condition, the findings replicated the predictions of Moscovici's (1980) conversion theory; namely, majorities leading to compliance (direct influence) and minorities leading to conversion (indirect influence). When participants had consumed caffeine, majorities not only led to more direct influence than in the placebo condition but also to indirect influence. Minorities, by contrast, had no impact on either level of influence. The results suggest that moderate levels of caffeine increase systematic processing of the message but the consequences of this vary for each source. When the source is a majority there was increased indirect influence while for a minority there was decreased indirect influence. The results show the need to understand how contextual factors can affect social influence processes.

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In three experiments, we manipulated participants' perceived numerical status and compared the originality and creativity of arguments generated by members of numerical minorities and majorities. Independent judges, blind to experimental conditions, rated participants' written arguments. In Studies 1 and 2, we found that participants assigned to a numerical minority generated more original arguments when advocating their own position than did numerical majorities. In Study 3, an equal-factions control group was included in the design, and all participants were instructed to argue for a counter-attitudinal position. Those in the numerical minority generated more creative arguments than those in both the majority and equal-factions conditions, but not stronger arguments. We propose cognitive and social processes that may underlie our obtained effects and discuss implications for minority influence research.

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A study is reported that examines the effect of caffeine consumption on majority and minority influence. In a double blind procedure, 72 participants consumed an orange drink, which either contained caffeine (3.5mg per kilogram of body weight) or did not (placebo). After a 40-minute delay, participants read a counter-attitudinal message (antivoluntary euthanasia) endorsed by either a numerical majority or minority. Both direct (message issue, i.e., voluntary euthanasia) and indirect (message issue-related, i.e., abortion) change was assessed by attitude scales completed before and after exposure to the message. In the placebo condition, the findings replicated the predictions of Moscovici's (1980) conversion theory; namely, majorities leading to compliance (direct influence) and minorities leading to conversion (indirect influence). When participants had consumed caffeine, majorities not only led to more direct influence than in the placebo condition but also to indirect influence. Minorities, by contrast, had no impact on either level of influence. The results suggest that moderate levels of caffeine increase systematic processing of the message but the consequences of this vary for each source. When the source is a majority there was increased indirect influence while for a minority there was decreased indirect influence. The results show the need to understand how contextual factors can affect social influence processes.

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Two experiments examined the effects of majority and minority influence on attitude-consistent behavioral intentions. In the first experiment, when attitudes were changed via minority influence there was a greater likelihood to engage in an attitude-consistent behavioral intention than when attitudes were changed via majority influence. This suggests that minority influence leads to stronger attitudes (based on systematic processing) that are more predictive of behavioral intentions, while attitude change via majority influence is due to compliance through non-systematic processing. Further support for this interpretation comes from the finding that the amount of message-congruent elaboration mediated behavioral intention. When there was no attitude change, there was no impact on behavioral intention to engage in an attitude-consistent behavior. Experiment 2 explored the role of personal relevance of the topic and also included a real behavioral measure. When the topic was of low personal relevance, the same pattern was found as Experiment 1. When the topic was of high personal relevance, thus increasing the motivation to engage in systematic processing, attitudes changed by both a majority and minority source increased behavioral intention and actual behavior. The results are consistent with the view that both majorities and minorities can lead to different processes and consequences under different situations. © 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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The past two decades have witnessed growing political disaffection and a widening mass/elite disjuncture in France, reflected in opinion polls, rising abstentionism, electoral volatility and fragmentation, with sustained voting against incumbent governments. Though the electoral system has preserved the duopoly of the mainstream coalitions, they have suffered loss of public confidence and swings in electoral support. Stable parliamentary majorities conceal a political landscape of assorted anti-system parties and growing support for far right and far left. The picture is paradoxical: the French express alienation from political parties yet relate positively to their political institutions; they berate national politicians but retain strong bonds with those elected locally; they appear increasingly disengaged from politics yet forms of ‘direct democracy’ are finding new vigour. While the electoral, attitudinal and systemic factors reviewed here may not signal a crisis of democracy, they point to serious problems of political representation in contemporary France.