Vom gesellschaftlichen Engagement für den Islam zum islamischen Engagement für die Gesellschaft – Verschiebungen In Tariq Ramadans Plädoyer für eine ganzheitliche Moderne

Tariq Ramadan (born 1962) is not only a leading thinker of Islamic Reformism, but also the most prominent Muslim actor in the ongoing reconfiguration of secularity in Europe. As a guiding back- ground, the introduction to this paper establishes that by now a public role for religion in secular societies is widely accepted, albeit attached to conditions (1). After an insight into the self-posi- tioning of Ramadan, followed by a comprehensive overview of secondary literature (2), I argue for two – discernible rather than clear-cut – phases to be identified within his discourse over 16 years: Considering secular societies as devoid of values, Ramadan promotes a distinct Islamic alternative that grounds its (modern) principles (allegedly) in revelation only, and also includes specific norms of Islamic law (3). Later, the Islam to be realized consists almost exclusively of ethics – of which the basic values are shared by, and even to be established with, all members of society (4). Ramadan’s continuous plea for a holistic modernity is elaborated on at the end of this paper (5).

Secularism, Sharia, and the Turkish Financial Markets

The financial markets in Turkey provide a laboratory to help resolve these competing views. Islamic law or Sharia contains a number of proscriptions that directly affect financial practices. The payment and receipt of interest is prohibited; so are most kinds of commercial insurance. These interpretations provided the impetus in the Islamic world for the creation of a class of banks that sought to offer Sharia compliant services. The first Islamic Banks in Turkey began operations in the 1980s. Their entry was initially tepid, in no small part because of secularist principles. Islamic financial institutions could not overtly advertise their religious orientation. The country had no “Islamic” banks, only finance houses. They were not Sharia compliant but “interest-free.” Moreover, the government left them in an uncertain regulatory status and subjected them to restrictions on growth. In this environment, the Islamic banks remained a peripheral part of the financial system. With the election of the AKP in 2002, however, the environment for Islamic banks in Turkey changed. Limitations on branch networks and capital raising were lifted. The government removed restrictions on the issuance of Sharia compliant bonds. Officials from the Islamic banks were appointed to the highest levels of government. This Article does several things. First, it examines principles of Islam that affect banking practices, with a particular emphasis on deposit insurance and credit cards. Second, the Article discusses the emergence of secularism in Turkey and the introduction of Islamic banks into the Turkish financial markets. The Article then examine their evolution, with particular emphasis on the changes implemented by the AKP. Finally, the Article examines the impact of these reforms, and what that impact says about Islamic influence in Turkey.

Propriedade e direito entre os muçulmanos de Portugal: dos bens comuns à gestão do património do rei

El derecho islámico informa de la identidad de los musulmanes del reino portugués, desde el período matricial de su integración hasta finales del siglo XV. De la participación en los moldes de su propia subordinación fiscal y tributaria, a la cuestión del derecho sucesorio, los musulmanes legistas de Lisboa responden a las sucesivas interpelaciones de la Corona, constituyéndose el monarca como el principal beneficiario de esa producción legal. Esta manipulación del poder, el aspecto más visible en la documentación, muestra todo el dominio continuado de ese universo legal y de sus especialistas mudéjares. Aspecto que tendrá lógicamente su resonancia en la vivencia interna de estas comunidades, especialmente en lo que a la propiedad se refiere. El principio de la sunna de la dominación de los bienes colectivos se refleja en los bienes habices y los colectivos (al-Muslimina), aún documentados en el siglo XV. Por otro lado, la propia gestión del patrimonio del rey, en la morería de Lisboa, será dominada, en el mismo período, por una autoridad musulmana, el juez de los derechos reales, contradiciendo la ley canónica y la territorial que prohibía a los infieles ejercer poder sobre los cristianos.

Usul-i fıkıhtan haşiyeli Mecami ül-hakaik

[Muḥammad ibn Muṣṭafá Khādimī].

Fetava-yi Ali Efendi ma'an-nukûl

Caption title.

Fetava-yi Feyziyye ma'an-nukul

[Feyzullah Efendi].

Kitāb Fuṣūl al-badāʼiʻ fī uṣūl al-sharāʼiʻ

muʻallifuhu Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Ḥamzah ibn Muḥammad al-Fanārī.

al- Fatāwá al-Sirājīyah

[ʻAlī ibn ʻUthmān al-Ūshī].

Hādhihi Asʼilah wa-ajwibah

lil-Shaykh Muḥammad al-Tāwudī ibn Muḥammad al-Ṭālib ibn Sūdah. Wa-bi-hāmishihi, Asʼilah wa-ajwibah / li-ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Fāsī.

Mashāriq al-uṣūl al-mutaʻalliqah bi-al-qawānīn wa-baʻḍ al-uṣūl

[Maḥmūd ibn Muḥammad].

Hādhā al-Khatm al-mubārak li-Mukhtaṣar al-Shaykh Abī al-Mawaddah Sīdī Khalīl

taʼlīf Abī ʻAbd Allāh Muḥammad ibn al-Rashīd al-Ḥusaynī al-ʻIrāqī.

Hādhihi nubdhah laṭīfah fī tarjamat Shaykh al-Islām Dāwūd al-Baghdādī

1. Hādhihi nubdhah laṭīfah fī tarjamat Shaykh al-Islām Dāwūd al-Baghdādī / ʻAbd al-Wahhāb al-Mūsawī -- 2. Minḥah al-wahbīyah fī radd al-Wahhābīyah / Dāwūd al-Baghdādī al-Mūsawī -- 3. Ashadd al-jihād fī ibṭāl daʻwá al-ijtihād / Dāwūd al-Baghdādī al-Mūsawī.

Kitāb al-tarīqah al-wāḍiḥah ilá al-bayyinah al-rājiḥah

tartīb Maḥmūd ibn Ḥamzah.

Ishārāt al-uṣūl ilá mafātīḥ al-aḥkām ḥasaba mā yaqtaḍīh al-awqāt wa-al-ayyām

bi-saʻy Mīrzā Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn.