Translation, cultural adaptation to Brazil and validation of the venous leg ulcer quality of life questionnaire (VLU-QoL-Br)

Objetivo:traduzir o instrumento Venous legulcer quality of life questionnaire (VLU-QoL), adaptá-lo culturalmente para o português do Brasil e validá-lo com pacientes do Hospital das Clínicas da Faculdade de Medicina de Botucatu (FMB) da Universidade Estadual Paulista (Unesp). Métodos:o questionário foi traduzido por um tradutor profissional e por dois dermatologistas especialistas na área de úlceras venosas (UV), sendo reformulado em reunião com os três tradutores. O constructo (VLU-QoL-Br) foi submetido a pré-entrevista com 10 portadores de UV para a adaptação da linguagem. Posteriormente, foi aplicado em pacientes do HC-Unesp, e como teste-reteste para verificação de sua reprodutibilidade. Resultados:foram avaliados 82 pacientes, sendo 56 (68%) do sexo feminino. A idade média foi de 67,3 anos. O questionário foi traduzido, adaptado e aplicado aos pacientes. O constructo apresentou alta consistência interna (alfa= 0,94) e adequada correlação item-total. Quando avaliados os 32 retestes, observou-se correlação intraclasse para concordância de 0,78 (p < 0,01), indicando boa reprodutibilidade do constructo. A análise fatorial confirmatória corroborou as dimensões do questionário original: atividades, psicológico e sintomas. Escores do VLU-QoL-Br se associaram, independentemente, à área total das úlceras e a menor escolaridade dos sujeitos (p < 0,01). Conclusão:a tradução, a adaptação e a validação do questionário VLU-Qol-Br demonstrou boa performance psicométrica, permitindo seu uso clínico no Brasil. É importante avaliar seu desempenho em outras regiões e em diferentes amostras de indivíduos.

Del plan a la realidad: gobernanza y toma de decisiones en los procesos de regeneración urbana. El caso de Boston = From plan to reality: governance and decision-making in urban regeneration processes in Boston

En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.

Influence of different genotypes in the pattern of selenoprotein expression in response to Brazil nut supplementation

The micronutrient selenium is essential to human physiology. As the amino acid selenocysteine, it is inserted into selenoproteins with a wide range of functions including antioxidant capacity, thyroid hormone metabolism, improvement of immune system, brain function, fertility and reproduction. Low selenium status has been associated with increased risk for chronic diseases, such as cancer, type-2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease. In this context, several studies have been conducted in order to investigate if selenium supplementation could reduce the risk of such diseases. However, genetic variations may interfere in the response of individuals to a dietary intervention and must be considered as a important source of inter-individual variation. Therefore, this study was conducted was conducted to investigate the influence of genetic variations in selenoproteins genes on the response to an intervention with Brazil nuts, the richest source of selenium known in nature. The study included 130 healthy volunteers with both genders, aged 20 to 60 years old selected in University of São Paulo. They received nuts for 8 weeks, eating one nut a day, and did a washout period for more 8 weeks. All volunteers had a blood sampling collection every 4 weeks during 4 months, in a total of 5. The following analysis were done: anthropometric measurements, lipid profile, plasma malondialdehyde, plasma and erythrocyte Se, selenoprotein P, plasma and erythrocyte GPx activity, gene expression of GPX1, SEPP1, SELS and SEP15. The volunteers were also genotyped for SNPs rs1050450, rs3811699, rs1800699, rs713041, rs3877899, rs7579, rs34713741 and rs5845. Each unit of Brazil nut provided an average of 300 µg of selenium. All 130 volunteers completed the protocol. The concentrations of total cholesterol and glucose decreased after 8 weeks of supplementation. Moreover, HDL concentrations were higher for carriers of the variant T allele for GPX4_rs713041. The frequencies of the variant genotypes were 5,4% for rs1050450, rs3811699 e rs1088668, 10% for rs3877899, 19,2% for rs713041 e rs7579, 11,5% for rs5845 and 8,5% for rs34713741. The levels of the five biomarkers increased significantly after supplementation. In addition, erythrocyte GPx activity was influenced by rs1050450, rs713041 and rs5845; erythrocyte selenium was influenced by rs5845 and plasma selenium by rs3877899. Gene expression of GPX1, SEPP1 and SEP15 were higher after supplementation. The SNP rs1050450 influenced GPX1 mRNA expression and rs7579 influenced SEPP1 mRNA expression. Therefore, it can be concluded that the supplementation with one of Brazil nut for 8 weeks was efficient to reduce total cholesterol and glucose levels and to increase the concentrations of the main biomarkers of selenium status in healthy adults. Furthermore, our results suggest that GPX4_rs713041 might interfere on HDL concentrations and GPx1 activity, GPX1_rs1050450 might interfere on GPx1 activity, SEP15_rs5845 might interfere on GPx1 activity and erythrocyte selenium and SEPP1_3877899 might interfere on plasma Se levels. Therefore, the effect of genetic variations should be considered in future nutritional interventions evaluating the response to Brazil nut supplementation.

Electricity without borders: a plan to make the internal market work. Bruegel Blueprint Series 20, 5 September 2013

The most straightforward European single energy market design would entail a European system operator regulated by a single European regulator. This would ensure the predictable development of rules for the entire EU, significantly reducing regulatory uncertainty for electricity sector investments. But such a first-best market design is unlikely to be politically realistic in the European context for three reasons. First, the necessary changes compared to the current situation are substantial and would produce significant redistributive effects. Second, a European solution would deprive member states of the ability to manage their energy systems nationally. And third, a single European solution might fall short of being well-tailored to consumers’ preferences, which differ substantially across the EU. To nevertheless reap significant benefits from an integrated European electricity market, we propose the following blueprint: First, we suggest adding a European system-management layer to complement national operation centres and help them to better exchange information about the status of the system, expected changes and planned modifications. The ultimate aim should be to transfer the day-to-day responsibility for the safe and economic operation of the system to the European control centre. To further increase efficiency, electricity prices should be allowed to differ between all network points between and within countries. This would enable throughput of electricity through national and international lines to be safely increased without any major investments in infrastructure. Second, to ensure the consistency of national network plans and to ensure that they contribute to providing the infrastructure for a functioning single market, the role of the European ten year network development plan (TYNDP) needs to be upgraded by obliging national regulators to only approve projects planned at European level unless they can prove that deviations are beneficial. This boosted role of the TYNDP would need to be underpinned by resolving the issues of conflicting interests and information asymmetry. Therefore, the network planning process should be opened to all affected stakeholders (generators, network owners and operators, consumers, residents and others) and enable the European Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators (ACER) to act as a welfare-maximising referee. An ultimate political decision by the European Parliament on the entire plan will open a negotiation process around selecting alternatives and agreeing compensation. This ensures that all stakeholders have an interest in guaranteeing a certain degree of balance of interest in the earlier stages. In fact, transparent planning, early stakeholder involvement and democratic legitimisation are well suited for minimising as much as possible local opposition to new lines. Third, sharing the cost of network investments in Europe is a critical issue. One reason is that so far even the most sophisticated models have been unable to identify the individual long-term net benefit in an uncertain environment. A workable compromise to finance new network investments would consist of three components: (i) all easily attributable cost should be levied on the responsible party; (ii) all network users that sit at nodes that are expected to receive more imports through a line extension should be obliged to pay a share of the line extension cost through their network charges; (iii) the rest of the cost is socialised to all consumers. Such a cost-distribution scheme will involve some intra-European redistribution from the well-developed countries (infrastructure-wise) to those that are catching up. However, such a scheme would perform this redistribution in a much more efficient way than the Connecting Europe Facility’s ad-hoc disbursements to politically chosen projects, because it would provide the infrastructure that is really needed.