953 resultados para International Framework Agreement
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At head of title: 93d Congress, 1st session, Senate, Executive report ; no. 93-16.
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"International coffee agreement, 1962": p. 6-38.
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George D. Aiken, chairman of subcommittee.
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At head of title: 93d Congress, 1st session. Committee print.
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English
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La responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) est un concept qui fait référence au volontariat, sans définition unique, et visant la prise en compte des intérêts des parties prenantes de l’entreprise. Pour celle-ci, les caractéristiques communes à ces différentes définitions est d’établir des balises allant au-delà de ce que la loi fixe comme règle. Pour mettre en oeuvre la RSE, plusieurs outils sont utilisés, le code de conduite étant le plus répandu. Quant aux multiples parties prenantes de l’organisation, celle des travailleurs ne semble pas invitée à participer aux décisions de l’entreprise en matière de RSE, malgré les intérêts importants que les travailleurs et le syndicat peuvent posséder auprès de cette dernière. Notre recherche porte sur la convention collective en tant qu’outil de responsabilité sociale des entreprises. Nous nous intéressons à savoir si cet outil traditionnel en relations du travail pourrait être utilisé, tout comme un code de conduite, pour stimuler la participation des syndicale aux décisions de l’entreprise. À l’aide du Portrait statistique des conventions collectives analysées au Québec en 2006, nous avons validé la fréquence, le sujet ainsi que le niveau de participation syndicale dans les comités conjoints conventionnés en comparant les entreprises dites RSE et non RSE. Il s’est avéré qu’il n’y a pas plus de participation syndicale indiquée dans les conventions collectives d’entreprises RSE que dans celles non RSE. Cependant, notre analyse précise que deux outils RSE autres que le code de conduite adoptés par l’entreprise coïncident avec la participation syndicale, soit la signature d’un accord-cadre international et la participation au Pacte Mondial de l’ONU.
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Employment-related policies are sensitive by any standard, and they remain basically national despite international labour standards (ILS) being even older than the United Nations. Globalization is changing this situation where countries may have to choose between ‘more’ or ‘better’ jobs. The multilateral framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO) can only have an indirect impact. But Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) and International Investment Agreements (IIA) are emerging as a new way of gradually enhancing the impact of certain labour standards. In addition, unilateral measures both by governments and importers driven by social and environmental consumer preferences and pressure groups increasingly shape the international regulatory framework for national employment policies. Even small, locally operating enterprises risk marginalization and market exclusion by ignoring these developments. The long-term influence of this new ‘network approach’ on employment-related policies, including job location, gender issues, social coherence and migration remains to be seen. Nonetheless, the still flimsy evidence gathered here seems to indicate that this new, international framework might increase sustainable employment where and when supporting measures, including through unilateral preferences and even sanctions, form a ‘cocktail’ which export-oriented industries and their suppliers will find palatable.
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In today's internet world, web browsers are an integral part of our day-to-day activities. Therefore, web browser security is a serious concern for all of us. Browsers can be breached in different ways. Because of the over privileged access, extensions are responsible for many security issues. Browser vendors try to keep safe extensions in their official extension galleries. However, their security control measures are not always effective and adequate. The distribution of unsafe extensions through different social engineering techniques is also a very common practice. Therefore, before installation, users should thoroughly analyze the security of browser extensions. Extensions are not only available for desktop browsers, but many mobile browsers, for example, Firefox for Android and UC browser for Android, are also furnished with extension features. Mobile devices have various resource constraints in terms of computational capabilities, power, network bandwidth, etc. Hence, conventional extension security analysis techniques cannot be efficiently used by end users to examine mobile browser extension security issues. To overcome the inadequacies of the existing approaches, we propose CLOUBEX, a CLOUd-based security analysis framework for both desktop and mobile Browser EXtensions. This framework uses a client-server architecture model. In this framework, compute-intensive security analysis tasks are generally executed in a high-speed computing server hosted in a cloud environment. CLOUBEX is also enriched with a number of essential features, such as client-side analysis, requirements-driven analysis, high performance, and dynamic decision making. At present, the Firefox extension ecosystem is most susceptible to different security attacks. Hence, the framework is implemented for the security analysis of the Firefox desktop and Firefox for Android mobile browser extensions. A static taint analysis is used to identify malicious information flows in the Firefox extensions. In CLOUBEX, there are three analysis modes. A dynamic decision making algorithm assists us to select the best option based on some important parameters, such as the processing speed of a client device and network connection speed. Using the best analysis mode, performance and power consumption are improved significantly. In the future, this framework can be leveraged for the security analysis of other desktop and mobile browser extensions, too.
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Summary. Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change are expected to agree on a new international climate agreement applicable to all countries from 2020 at the Paris climate summit in December 2015. This Policy Brief investigates the possible role of the European Union (EU) towards the 2015 Paris climate agreement. It argues for renewed efforts by the EU at coalition building with progressive developing countries, leadership by example and a more prominent, complementary role of individual EU member states. It also argues for a Paris agreement that provides a strong “signal” and “direction”, and discusses what this may entail.
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Despite its economic significance, competition law still remains fragmented, lacking an international framework allowing for dispute settlement. This, together with the growing importance of non-free-market economies in world trade require us to re-consider and re-evaluate the possibilities of bringing an antitrust suit against a foreign state. If the level playing field on the global marketplace is to be achieved, the possibility of hiding behind the bulwark of state sovereignty should be minimised. States should not be free to act in an anti-competitive way, but at present the legal framework seems ill-equipped to handle such challenges.
This paper deals with the defences available in litigation concerning transnational anti-competitive agreements involving or implicating foreign states. Four important legal doctrines are analysed: non-justiciability (political question doctrine), state immunity, act of state doctrine and foreign state compulsion. The paper addresses also the general problem of applicability of competition laws to a foreign state as such. This is a tale about repetitive unsuccessful efforts to sue OPEC and recent attempts in the US to deal with export cartels of Chinese state-owned enterprises