51 resultados para Intelligentsia


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Trata-se de uma abordagem crítica bastante atual acerca do papel dos intelectuais, em particular dos sociólogos, em sua ampla possibilidade de inserção na realidade social, recorrendo ao conceito de intelectual orgânico de Gramsci que estabelece o vínculo entre o grupo social e seus intelectuais. A autora se coloca frente ao dilema de seu próprio desejo, incontrolável como ela mesma diz, de antever um futuro pleno de sociólogos críticos e atentos às contradições mais fundamentais da contemporaneidade e o realismo da diversidade que inclui o afastamento da perspectiva da maioria trabalhadora e o conseqüente adesismo de oportunidade aos grupos hegemônicos.

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The process of migration of the rural northeast workers toward the cities of the south of Brazil in search of work and better living conditions reached millions of individuals and constituted the basis of our industrialization and modernization, especially since the 1930s. The Cinema has not ignored this vast phenomenon and, as much as the literature put the question in debate, particularly since 1960, when our seventh art was assumed as part of the national intelligence. In this article, we observed three narratives that thematize the escape from rural to urban from the northeastern hinterland: Vidas Secas (1963), by Nelson Pereira dos Santos, Trópicos (BR / ITA, 1967), by Gianni Amico, and O Caminho das Nuvens (2003), by Vicente Amorim. Participants of the politicized cinema, Vidas Secas and Trópicos draw the political impasses of the period in the form of movies and in the aesthetic choices, trying to understand the role of these migrants in Brazilian life. Already in O Caminho das Núvens, performed four decades later, the narrative is assumed as part of the cinema of entertainment, thinking the process of migration as a choice, as stated the form of this artwork of the called cinema of the resumption.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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The history and formation of the government in Brazil was, and still is, a central object of study in several fields of knowledge. Albeit with varied approaches highlight was given in the literature for two central reforms occurred between mid 1930s and mid 1990s This perception establishes a long history of Brazilian public administration, putting in their two extreme nodal points of this trajectory: the creation of DASP and the action of the MARE. Each of these institutional projects is directly linked to the conception of the role and performance of the Brazilian public administration instruments, as well as the goals to be achieved, revealing the intimate connection with the coeval political debate of each period. Based on this scenario, the objective of this study is to analyze the role of DASP as a strategic instrument in a Brazilian public "intelligentsia" in construction during the 1930s, strongly associated with a political project of modernization of Brazilian society

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This article aims to discuss the attempts of the authorities in Rio de Janeiro to regulate Carnival festivities and discipline the revelers. Some of the ways to do this in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, are connected to the prohibition of Shrovetide and of the wearing of some costumes by individual masked men, such as Indian and imp costumes, which are associated with backwardness and barbarism, and, therefore, with a period of history that part of the intelligentsia of Rio de Janeiro wanted to forget. Such manifestations were at odds with political, social and cultural transformations, and with the image of modernity that the city of Rio de Janeiro wanted to consolidate in that period.

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This paper proposes a new reading of how the defeat of France and its occupation by Nazi forces were analyzed by the collaborators of the Revista do Brasil (RJ, 1938-1943). This cultural and literary magazine was one of the most important in Brazil and brought together a significant part of the Brazilian intelligentsia of the time.

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Ibrahim Kemura. The Muslim Cultural-Educational Society Narodna uzdanica from 1923/4 to 1941 One of the features of the cultural history of the Bosniacs between the two world wars (1918-1941) was a cultural and educational society named Narodna uzdanica, which was a significant institutional and cultural-intellectual centre of the Bosniac people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Narodna uzdanica expressed the aspirations and needs of the Bosniac citizens who were its main support and axis and was aimed at fulfilling their interests. This was reflected in an ideological-cultural orientation towards the West and the adoption of positive western achievements while at the same time stressing its Slavic origins and individuality, the education of young people and the formation of a European-type civic intelligentsia, adaptation to life in capitalist society, the development of modern trade and crafts, the emancipation of women, and cultural education based on European values. Thus conceived, the programme enjoyed the support of a wider circle of members, the reading public and the cultural consumers of those particular elements such as education and economic prosperity which it sought to achieve. The political involvement of Narodna uzdanica and its use as a platform for the leading Bosniac political party Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija (JMO - Yugoslav Muslim Organisation) which had founded the society, played a significant role in the socio-political life and development of Bosniacs. The opposition to the ruling regime, often expressed through close cooperation with similar Croat organisations and through the pro-Croat attitude of some of the society's leading figures, offered both the regime and Narodna uzdanica's political adversaries grounds for describing it as separatist and Croat and served as a pretext for repressive measures to hinder its normal operations. This research proved these accusations to be groundless, showing that the pro-Croat orientation was primarily political and cultural and that throughout its existence Narodna uzdanica was active in the cultural and educational renaissance of Bosniacs, helping to strengthen their national identity.

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Ms. Net wanted to find out if there was what she terms a "collective identity of the intelligentsia" of Romania and France between 1945 and 1989. She conducted her research on a corpus of memoirs from both cultures, and in the process, uncovered some fundamental differences, which she presented in the form of a 178 page manuscript in English, and also on disc. One of the most basic appears to be that French memorialists rarely deal with social, historical and political changes and events. Ms. Net regards these writers as shutting their eyes to reality, and attempting to preserve the past. They are interested in their personal history, and in the genesis of their own works. According to Ms. Net, this tendency is so marked that she doubts whether 20th century French writers share the dominant mentalities of their times. In her opinion all this points to the fact that the French intelligentsia are "trying hard to preserve their cultural hegemony" a task which she maintains has always been an essential aspect of the identity of the French intellectual. In Romania, of course, the situation was very different. To take an example: many Romanian memoirs speak about the campaigns to improve the lot of women, while at the same time recognising and analysing the way that this was simply a "cover" for promoting the most incompetent people, men and women alike. They also express frustration at the way access to information was blocked due to the media being government controlled. Ms. Net concludes, eventually, that, in general, intellectuals, more than any other group in society, ensure the continuity of the dominant mentalities in a given cultural space. Consequently, she feels, we must revise the idea - or myth as she calls it - that intellectuals represent the avant-garde in a given society. Specifically, she concludes that petty bourgeois, patriarchal and elitist mentalities are still prevalent in France. The truth is, she reflects, that intellectuals are always true to their nature, no mater when and where they are living.

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This research was focused around the intersection of two discourses: that of marginality and that of ideology. Ponomarev analysed works by Alexander Zinoviev, Vladimir Maximov and Eduard Limonov - three writers representing different groups of Soviet dissidence - from the viewpoint of the concept, drawn from anthropological theory, of marginal man. Using a methodology he describes as ideological analysis, Ponomarev showed that the ideologies of both the writers and their characters are marginal, lying as they do between official Soviet and western democratic ideologies. He showed that the works and the 'creative behaviour' of the three writers did not change after 1991, when their ideas seemed victorious. Marginality is shown to be a permanent characteristic and is linked with the main ideas of the dissident movement in the USSR. On the basis of this marginality, Ponomarev identified some common traits in dissident ideas and drew up a model of dissident ideology. This general model of dissident ideology seems to be one of the special Russian variants of the marginal ideologies of intelligentsia and could be compared to the ideology of Rodon Raskolnikov, the central character in Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment. The discourse of ideology in the USSR in the 1970s-1980s and in 1990s Russia thus appeared as a process in which the elements of the official Soviet ideology were gradually superseded by those of the dissident ideology linked with the ideology of the underground, the Russian version of the post-modern. Marginal ideologies won and became mainstream but did not lose their basic marginal traits. Ponomarev concludes that the gap between the 'state ideology' and the dissident ideology, taken together with the special Russian version of postmodernity has shaped the current literary process in Russia, making the figure of the marginal man into the main writer type.

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En 1907 Alfredo Bianchi y Roberto Giusti fundaron en Buenos Aires la revista Nosotros. Creada en un contexto histórico atravesado por profundas transformaciones y tensiones, la revista se consolidó como publicación periódica y logró convertirse en un referente de la intelectualidad latinoamericana. Tomando en cuenta la potencialidad de las revistas culturales como fuente para el estudio y análisis de la conformación de redes intelectuales en Latinoamérica, nos proponemos analizar la revista Nosotros partiendo de la hipótesis que, en torno a la misma, se configuró una red integrada por miembros del campo intelectual argentino y americano, que intentó ser reflejo de las ideas predominantes de su época. El presente trabajo pretende exponer los resultados obtenidos a partir del análisis de un corpus que abarca los diez primeros años de su existencia, desde 1907 hasta 1917, atendiendo a los siguientes interrogantes: si es posible definir una red en esta etapa de la revista, quiénes la integraron, cómo se fue gestando, en torno a qué ideas o problemáticas cobró visibilidad.

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El Proceso de Independencia brasileño ocurrido en 1822 ha impuesto a la intelectualidad de la Nación recién Formada la Necesidad de Pensar y Construir su Historia Relación pecado con los designios de Portugal. Dos Espacios concibieron e irradiaron los Conocimientos Acerca de la Historia brasileña: el Colegio de Pedro II (1837) y el Instituto Histórico y Geográfico Brasileño (1838). En ESE contexto Joaquim Manuel de Macedo escribio la obra "Liçoes de Historia do Brasil" (1861) Presentando ONU Método para Enseñar y estudiar la Historia Nacional. Propongo En Esta Reflexión ONU Diálogo con la historiografía didáctica brasileña en el siglo XIX desde la Obra "Liçoes" de Macedo y Tomando Como directriz los Contenidos Relacionados a la Guerra del Paraguay.

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El Proceso de Independencia brasileño ocurrido en 1822 ha impuesto a la intelectualidad de la Nación recién Formada la Necesidad de Pensar y Construir su Historia Relación pecado con los designios de Portugal. Dos Espacios concibieron e irradiaron los Conocimientos Acerca de la Historia brasileña: el Colegio de Pedro II (1837) y el Instituto Histórico y Geográfico Brasileño (1838). En ESE contexto Joaquim Manuel de Macedo escribio la obra "Liçoes de Historia do Brasil" (1861) Presentando ONU Método para Enseñar y estudiar la Historia Nacional. Propongo En Esta Reflexión ONU Diálogo con la historiografía didáctica brasileña en el siglo XIX desde la Obra "Liçoes" de Macedo y Tomando Como directriz los Contenidos Relacionados a la Guerra del Paraguay.

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El Proceso de Independencia brasileño ocurrido en 1822 ha impuesto a la intelectualidad de la Nación recién Formada la Necesidad de Pensar y Construir su Historia Relación pecado con los designios de Portugal. Dos Espacios concibieron e irradiaron los Conocimientos Acerca de la Historia brasileña: el Colegio de Pedro II (1837) y el Instituto Histórico y Geográfico Brasileño (1838). En ESE contexto Joaquim Manuel de Macedo escribio la obra "Liçoes de Historia do Brasil" (1861) Presentando ONU Método para Enseñar y estudiar la Historia Nacional. Propongo En Esta Reflexión ONU Diálogo con la historiografía didáctica brasileña en el siglo XIX desde la Obra "Liçoes" de Macedo y Tomando Como directriz los Contenidos Relacionados a la Guerra del Paraguay.

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O presente estudo foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de refletir a relevância do Ensino de Filosofia no contexto histórico brasileiro em consonância conjectural paulistana. Apontamos através do Decreto nro. 6.283 de 25 de janeiro de 1934, o qual instituiu-se sendo a primeira Universidade brasileira (Universidade de São Paulo) nas palavras de Vita “iniciativa pioneira no Brasil” (1969, p.16). Inspirada no modelo universitário tradicional da cultura filosófica francesa, a Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras adotou desde os seus contíguos metodológicos aos procedimentos intelectivos, favorecendo o desenvolvimento da interdisciplinaridade da formação cultural. Uma confluência marcada por intensos envolvimentos ideológicos estruturados do progresso moderno, infundindo competências científicas na faculdade profissional incorporada à universidade, bem como formar professores para o ensino secundário (SCHWARTZMAN, 2006, p.163). Sendo assim, a Faculdade de Filosofia seria o núcleo propulsor. Porém, o modelo centralizador de pensar o Ensino da Filosofia, a atribui uma superioridade técnica intelectual e saber acumulado, pouco distingue da competência escolar conquistada em outros países, pelo potencial formativo dos professores filósofos Jean Maugüé (1955,1982) e João da Cruz Costa (1945, 1960, 1961,1967). Mauguë aponta-nos quão a formação em Filosofia está diretamente atribuída ao docente e ao aluno, que a ela se dedica. Pela obra Ensino de Filosofia e Diretrizes, ele apresenta-nos também a concepção de docência: o docente-intelectual, comprometido com a (re) construção dos significados epistemológicos, legitimados por uma prática pedagógica entre o já conhecido e ao conhecer, ou seja, entre o ensinado e ao ensinar. Nesse sentido, é notável que os argumentos do docente e do filósofo se imbricam, ao ponto de serem confundidos e potencializados durante a formação. Assim, Cruz Costa, também trabalha, quando assume a cátedra, porém ressalta que o processo formativo adquire sentido pela História das Ideias como construção do pensamento filosófico e, portanto, o ensino se faz quando se toma consciência da concentricidade histórica, ideias que lhe concede significado conjugado às técnicas de erudição, o que fez advertir aos seus alunos para as vicissitudes pelas quais passaram em nossa terra, as correntes filosóficas estrangeiras, e, sobretudo, para a curiosa significação que elas têm apresentado no envolver de nossa história (VITA, 1950, p.22). O conhecimento histórico é o caminho norteador a ser percorrido, necessário ao devir humano, isto é, a conciliação entre o conhecimento teórico e as condições históricas.

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The study examines factors influencing language planning decisions in contemporary France. It focuses upon the period 1992-1994, which witnessed the introduction of two major language policy measures, the first an amendment to the French Constitution, in 1992, proclaiming the language of the Republic as French, the second, in 1994, legislation to extend the ambit of the loi Bas-Lauriol, governing the use of the French language in France. The thesis posits a significant role for the pro-reform movement led by the French language association Avenir de la Langue Francaise (ALF) in the introduction and formulation of the policy measures concerned. The movement is depicted as continuing the traditional pattern of intellectual involvement in language planning, whilst also marking the beginning of a highly proactive, and increasingly political approach. Detailed examination of the movement's activities reveals that contextual factors and strategic strength combined to facilitate access to the levers of power, and enabled those involved to exert an impact on policy initiation, formulation, and ultimately implementation. However, ALF's decision to pursue the legislative route led to the expansion of the network of actors involved in language policymaking, and the development of counter-pressure from sectoral groups. It is suggested that this more interventionist approach destabilised the traditionally consensual language policy community, and called into question the quasi-monopoly of the intelligentsia in respect of language policymaking. It raised broader questions relating to freedom of expression and the permissible limits of language regulation in a democracy such as France. It also exposed ongoing ambiguities and inconsistencies in the interpretation of the tenets of language planning.