Prison Experiences and Socialist Sculptures

I will discuss five sites of Soviet period dark heritage: three occupation museums in the capital cities of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, a Soviet sculpture park in Lithuanian countryside and a cultural park in a former prison in Tallinn, Estonia. All but the last one have an important role in the local tourist scene. My purpose is to find out how the traumatic Soviet past is presented at the sites and what kind of different modes of display are used. I will also discuss the ways the sites have been interpreted by the visitors.

Vänner, kolleger och gynnare : Namngivningen av de finska fästningsverken under Augustin Ehrensvärds tid

Under 1700-talets andra hälft hörde Sveriges nya fästningar i öst (Helsingfors, Sveaborg, Lovisa och Svartholm) till rikets största satsningar. Fästningsprojektet leddes med undantag av ett par avbrott av Augustin Ehrensvärd (1710 1772). När arbetet tog fart namngavs de enskilda fästningsverken i så gott som alla fall efter samtida personer. Under Ehrensvärds tid tillämpades denna namngivning på omkring femtio av Sveaborgs och Helsingfors fästningsverk samt på Lovisas och Svartholms totalt aderton verk. Genom personerna de knöts till berättar namnen en hel del om Augustin Ehrensvärds samtid och omvärld. Hur de gjorde det är denna avhandlings huvudfråga. Källmaterialet utgörs av relationsritningar och brev, medan de teoretiska ramarna står att finna i nätverksteori och onomastiska teorier om namnmönster. Ehrensvärd förklarade sin namngivningspraxis för sin överordnade, tronföljaren Adolf Fredrik, 1749 i samband med att Gustavssvärd med fästningsverk namngavs: tanken var att namnge bastioner efter de som bidragit till arbetets framgång och att namnge utanverk efter officerare vid fästningsbygget. Innebörden av Ehrensvärds ord framgår ur namnbeståndet. De största grupperna består av ämbetsmän och militärer. Med de som bidragit till arbetets framgång avsågs sålunda den lokala eliten: landshövdingar som involverats i fästningsbygget samt högre och lägre militärer som tjänstgjorde vid fästningarna. Redan från början syns en klar hierarki i namngivningen. Medan landshövdingarna och de högre militärerna tillägnades bastioner, fick de lägre officerarna se mindre fästningsverk namngivna efter sig, helt i enlighet med Ehrensvärds egen beskrivning. Utanför de ovan nämnda grupperna, hedrades en hel del personer som inte konkret hade engagerats i fästningsbygget. Denna namngivning kan förklaras å ena sidan inom ramen för Ehrensvärds sociala nätverk och å andra sidan mot bakgrund av riksdagspolitiken i frihetstidens Sverige. Av de två förklaringsmodeller bör Ehrensvärds personliga vänskaper ses som en bidragande orsak, medan de politiska motiven utgjorde en avgörande orsak. Som en del av Ehrensvärds nätverk kan de gynnare ses som hade stöttat Ehrensvärd under hans karriär samt hans närmaste medarbetare vid fästningsbygget, ofta officerer han själv handplockat. Namngivningens politiska aspekt syns i det stora antalet riksråd som tillägandes bastionnamn. Vid sidan om riksråden hedrades också talmän vid de samtida riksdagarna. En komparativ studie i namngivningen av fästningsverk vid samtida och äldre svenska fästningar framhäver Ehrensvärd som en innovativ namngivare. Fästningsverk namngivna efter kungligheter verkar ha varit en norm, som också Ehrensvärd anknöt till genom ett fåtal namn. Däremot var namn efter personer inte vanliga, vilket gav den Ehrensvärdska namngivningen en förhållandevis stark anknytning till samtiden. Denna aspekt bekräftas om namnen ses mot bakgrund av 1700-talets uppfattning om ära och äregirighetens samhälleliga nytta. I denna uppfattning syns bakgrunden till förekomsten av personer med både hög och låg status i Ehrensvärds namngivning. Sammanfattningsvis speglar namnen på de finska fästningsverken sin samtid genom den byråkratiska, militära och politiska elit de representerar samt genom motiveringen till dem.

北京地区Pc6脉动统计特征及其与TID关系研究

Through the statistical analysis of the geomagnetic data from BMT in 2005, we get the period and frequency characteristic of Pc6 micropulsation in Beijing area. Pc6 micropulsation is a frequently occurred phenomenon in geomagnetism but we still do not have adequate knowledge to it. In this paper, we found that the periods of Pc 6 micropulsation focus on 10 to 30 minutes. They do not have distinct seasonal variation but obtain a little lower occurrence in the winter than other seasons. Then we analysis the geomagnetic data of BMT from 1998 to 2006, which is a solar activity cycle and get some results about the relationship between Pc6 micropulsation and solar activities. In this way, we discuss more about the origin and evolvement mechanism of the Pc6 micropulsation. When the solar is more active than usual years, there are more occurrences of Pc6 micropulsaton observed. The occurrence of Pc6 micropulsation is associated with geomagnetic index. With the increase of AE and Kp index, there are more occurrences of Pc6 micropulsation. Furthermore, we make use of the Doppler data from Peking University in 2005 make a comparative research between TID events and Pc6 micropulsation. There are 42 events can satisfy our request during Dec.23, 2004 to Mar.11, 2006. After the data analysis, we can draw a fundamental conclusion that there are positive links between Pc6 micropulsation and TID event. Moreover, when TID and Pc6 micropulsation occur simultaneously, their occurrences have a positive relationship with AE and Kp index. So we suppose there might be the same source of Pc6 micropulsation and TID event. Finally, we make use of two meridian geomagnetic stations network which has a distance about 1700 km to investigate the transmission characteristic of Pc6 micropulsation when Pc6 micropulsation and TID happened together. We found at that time Pc6 micropulsation is a local phenomenon.

Letter to Daniel Avery Whedon. Brooklyn, NY. Nov. 22, 1865.

Handwritten 1865 handwritten letter from Daniel D. Whedon to Daniel A. Whedon, his nephew, regarding slavery in relation to the Church as well as the Christian Union.

Cancer mortality in IBM endicott plant workers, 1969-2001: An update on a NY production plant

BACKGROUND: In response to concerns expressed by workers at a public meeting, we analyzed the mortality experience of workers who were employed at the IBM plant in Endicott, New York and died between 1969-2001. An epidemiologic feasibility assessment indicated potential worker exposure to several known and suspected carcinogens at this plant. METHODS: We used the mortality and work history files produced under a court order and used in a previous mortality analysis. Using publicly available data for the state of New York as a standard of comparison, we conducted proportional cancer mortality (PCMR) analysis. RESULTS: The results showed significantly increased mortality due to melanoma (PCMR = 367; 95% CI: 119, 856) and lymphoma (PCMR = 220; 95% CI: 101, 419) in males and modestly increased mortality due to kidney cancer (PCMR = 165; 95% CI: 45, 421) and brain cancer (PCMR = 190; 95% CI: 52, 485) in males and breast cancer (PCMR = 126; 95% CI: 34, 321) in females. CONCLUSION: These results are similar to results from a previous IBM mortality study and support the need for a full cohort mortality analysis such as the one being planned by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health.

Challengers to provisional republicanism: the official republican movement, people’s democracy and the Irish republican socialist party, 1968–98

The Provisional IRA and its political wing Sinn Féin have attracted by far the greatest scholarly interest of all the players in the Northern Irish conflict. This emphasis is perfectly legitimate, given the centrality of the Provos to so many turning-points in the conflict, from the collapse of Stormont in the early 1970s to the hunger strikes of the following decade and the ceasefires which were followed by the Belfast Agreement. My project, however, looks at political groups that at one time or another challenged the Provos for leadership of the militant, anti-state constituency in Northern Ireland (chiefly based in the Catholic working class). Although never as large or influential as the Provisional republicans, groups such as the Official IRA and the Irish Republican Socialist Party sometimes had a discernible impact on the course of events which is overlooked by most studies, and often pioneered ideas and tactics that were later adopted by the Provos themselves. The idea that republicans should embrace political action and work in broad campaigning alliances was promoted by the IRSP and socialist groups such as People’s Democracy before it was taken up by Gerry Adams and his allies, while the Official IRA supported the principle of a settlement based on democratization of the Northern Irish state, which was later accepted by Sinn Féin in the form of the Belfast Agreement. The goal of my research is to provide a novel perspective on the conflict in Northern Ireland, while engaging with theoretical debates about its character.

CHASING THE SINGERS: THE TRANSITION OF LONG-SONG (URTYN DUU) IN POST-SOCIALIST MONGOLIA

Long-song (Urtyn duu) is a prominent Mongolian traditional folk song genre that survived throughout the socialist period (1921-1990) and throughout the political transformation of Mongolia from socialism to democratic capitalism after the Soviet Union was dismantled and terminated its aid to Mongolia in 1990. This dissertation, based on research conducted from 2006 to 2010, presents and investigates the traces of singers' stories and memories of their lives, songs, and singing, through the lens of the discourse on change and continuity in, and as, folk tradition. During the socialist period, this genre was first considered backward, and was then subtly transformed into an urban national style, with the formation of a boundary between professionalism and amateurism among long-song singers and with selective performance of certain songs and styles. This boundary was associated with politics and ideology and might be thought to have ended when the society entered its post-socialist period. However, the long-song genre continued to play a political role, with different kinds of political meaning one the one hand and only slight musical modification on the other. It was now used to present a more nostalgic and authentic new Mongolian identity in the post-socialist free market. Through my investigation, I argue that the historical transition of Mongolia encompassed not merely political or economic shifts, but also a deeper transformation that resulted in new cultural forms. Long-song provides a good case study of the complicated process of this cultural change.

Joining the `Crusade against the Giants': Keir Hardie's Fairy Tales and The Socialist Child Reader

This article focuses on Keir Hardie's forgotten fiction and journalism for children, published in his paper The Labour Leader during the 1890s. It argues that Hardie's dialogue with child correspondents was shaped by a socialist periodical culture that redefined reading as a communal, political activity. Relating Hardie's appropriation of fantasy to that of a fellow socialist editor, John Trevor, the article examines the fairy tale as a propaganda tool in the process of `making socialists', but also questions the model of child readers as passive consumers, arguing that young readers were both empowered and controlled by Hardie's journalistic strategies.

Accessing the Institutions: The Road to the Socialist-Green Alliance in Spain

This article traces the strategic re-orientation of the Spanish Greens (Los Verdes) from a position of hostility toward the Socialists (PSOE) to one of collaboration that allowed them to gain parliamentary representation in the 2004 national and European elections. Drawing upon insights from the party politics literature, it schematizes a model and then proceeds to use it to provide a diachronic account of factionalist conflict within the ranks of the Greens and their close competitors, the structure of political opportunities, exogenous factors and their interrelationship, up to the point of the electoral agreement between the two parties. In concludes by highlighting the role played by the Madrid bombings in bringing the PSOE back into power and offers some projections about the future institutional access of the Greens.

Between Colonial Violence and Socialist Worldview: The Conversions of Ernst Daumig

In 1900, Ernst Däumig (1866–1922) wrote to Karl Kautsky of his ‘bitter experiences’ of violence in the French Foreign Legion and then in the Prussian military that had led to his recent ‘conversion’ to the socialist worldview. This article takes up Däumig's letters, articles and travelogues, and a drama, to explore how he recast his experiences of colonial and military violence twice, first as a writer for a German soldiers’ journal and then as an aspiring socialist journalist. As well as a burden that pushed him to critique his past, Däumig's military and colonial experiences are shown to have been his starting capital in the world of journalism and politics. The article gives particular attention to the process of conversion, through which Däumig forged a new life narrative out of the moral tales offered by the adopted worldview and the events of his own past. In addition to providing a case study of worldview conversion, this article demonstrates how biographical research can challenge assumptions about the impact of colonial violence on German metropolitan culture. At the same time, this biographical analysis sheds light on the early career of one of the key figures in the German Revolution of 1918 to 1921. As co-chairman of the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD), Däumig led the USPD into union with the Communist Party in 1920.