681 resultados para Gramscian hegemony


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The toppling of Saddam in 2003 brought with it the re-emergence of the free press in Iraq. This has seen Iraq shift from only a handful of state media outlets that served as propaganda machines, to a vast array of Iraqi-owned newspapers, radio stations and television channels which are being fervently produced and avidly consumed across the nation. As is to be expected, there are several problems that have accompanied such a divergent, ad-hoc and highly volatile media landscape. Leaving aside important issues such as the dangers faced by Iraqi journalists and the lack of appropriate press laws, this paper focuses instead on the influence of both foreign and domestic political bodies on the post-Saddam Iraqi media sector. Among the foreign influences are Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States, all of which fund, control and manipulate various Iraqi media outlets. Not surprisingly, the United States has been the most active, using both overt and clandestine propaganda methods as well as forced closure to control the Iraqi media sector. Unfortunately, such measures are not limited to those governments which exist outside Iraq’s borders, with both the Iraqi government and the Kurdish regional authority having used similar means to control and even silence Iraq’s nascent public sphere. This paper concludes by noting the irony of limiting press freedoms in Iraq during this crucial phase in its transition from despotism to democracy.

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This research explored how low-income single mothers' child support decisions were based on the 'best interests of the child'. While mothers desired joint financial responsibility for children, poor payment outcomes made mothers financially dependent on the state and resulted in single mothers' coerced acceptance of unacceptable child support arrangements.

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School physical education (PE) and sport are commonly regarded as sites where dominant or hegemonic masculinities cultivate, often at the expense of individuals who embody different gendered identities. In all-boys' PE settings, curriculum content frequently orientates around competitive and traditionally masculine team sports wherein teaching pedagogies draw heavily on ‘masculine’ practices that serve to legitimate and/or reproduce hierarchical and heteronormative masculinities. Embedded in the broader tenets of gender equity, this article draws on Foucault's technologies of the self to examine the experiences of two female physical educators in an all-boys' school as they negotiate their daily work in an environment where embodied masculinities are intensified. In doing so, it looks beyond the PE department to the wider school context (discourse and practice) as integral to the contestation and struggles for the professional identities available and taken up by female PE teachers in all-boy settings. Our findings reveal strategies that these teachers employed to negotiate and reconcile the tensions associated with being ‘positioned’ outside the gendered hegemony of the school.

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The aim of the article is to analyse the secessionist phenomenon by applying the concept of hegemony. Based on critical realist interpretations of the concept, it is argued that hegemonic practice incorporates both inter-subjective and structural aspects. The inter-subjective aspect of hegemony places emphasis on the relations between social groups and the way hegemonic practice leads social agents towards political projects that secure consensus in favour of the interest of particular elites. The structural character of hegemonic practice is evident in the reproduction of social conditions and values that underlie the relations between social agents both globally and domestically. Accordingly, the inter-subjective character of secession as hegemonic practice is evident in the organization of social agents towards a political option (territorial separatism) to the extent that it serves the goals of certain elites. The sturctural aspect of secessionist practice is hegeminic because it reproduces international structures that tend to associate political organization with ethnicity at the state level. The analysis then turns to the case study of Transnistria in Moldova as an empirical illustration of the two tendencies of hegemonic practice in secessionist politics leading ot useful conclusions both for the case study in particular and the study of secession in general. 

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This article draws on Bourdieu’s theorisation of domination and Gramsci’s notions of hegemony within the context of a larger empirical study of Australian university academic governance, and of academic boards (also known as academic senates or faculty senates) in particular. Reporting data that suggest a continued but radically altered form of collegial governance in which hegemony is exercised by management rather than by the professor, it theorises the domination of academic boards within western democratic universities. However, traditional collegial governance is also dependent upon a community of scholars, a role historically played by the academic board. In view of the suggested transition in collegial governance and the resultant convergence of academic work and management, the article concludes with questions about whether academic boards can continue to serve as communities of scholars in future.

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O presente trabalho analisa a formulação das políticas culturais no Brasil a partir da análise de dois casos bastante distintos: as leis de incentivo, formuladas no início da década de 1990, na esteira do neoliberalismo, e o Programa Cultura Viva, formulado no ano de 2004, no primeiro mandato do Presidente Lula. A partir da análise detalhada do contexto de formulação de cada uma das políticas culturais, bem como dos públicos efetivamente atendidos e dos valores disponibilizados, mostramos tratarse de duas formas de políticas culturais que apontam para diferentes horizontes em termos de cidadania cultural. Na questão das leis de incentivo, analisamos a passagem do modelo fordista de acumulação para a acumulação flexível, relacionando a importância das estratégias de branding para as novas formas da cultura do consumo. No caso do Programa Cultura Viva, analisamos quais os grupos privilegiados, delimitando os alcances e limites dessa política. Em nossa abordagem, apoiamo-nos no referencial gramsciano de hegemonia, relacionando-a fortemente com a cultura numa sociedade de classes. Dada à singularidade do conceito de sociedade civil na abordagem do pensador italiano, além da evidente relevância que essa esfera assume com o ideário neoliberal, faz-se necessário uma análise histórica de sua evolução, na busca de evidências que apontem para uma política emancipatória a partir das ações nessa esfera, e no seu relacionamento com o Estado e o mercado.

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This chapter analyzes the current position of United States supremacy, in light of the debate on hegemony and domination that acquires greater relevance after the formulation of the 'Bush Doctrine', which is systematized in the document 'The National Security Strategy of the United States of America'. Our approach will emphasize the following aspects: establishment of a parallel between the transition from the 19th to the 20th centuries, from studies that point out the characteristics of imperialism at different times; an analysis of the current foreign policies of the United States, focusing on the debate between unilateralism and multilateralism, emphasizing the reactions caused by the intervention in Iraq; a critical argument about the approaches that highlight in the security agenda of the Bush administration an indicator of a loss of hegemony, which would impose open domination over the search for consensus. Copyright © 2005 SAGE Publications.

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Analiza los importantes efectos que la politica economica seguida por Estados Unidos desde 1979 esta teniendo tanto dentro como fuera del pais. Examina las probabilidades de que pueda mantenerse en el futuro y la forma en que ello condicionaria las opciones de politica de los paises de America Latina, en especial del Brasil, en el plano de las relaciones financieras y comerciales internacionales.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The formation of intellectuals, in Gramscian terms (GRAMSCI, 2000), was addressed throughout our academic career, for example, Villela (2003; 2008; 2009; 2010-2012; 2011; 2012; 2014). This article aims to resume some relationships between education of intellectuals in Italy for years 1920, the organization of industrialization in São Paulo and the construction of bourgeois hegemony in Brazil. In this paper I review my dissertation, Villela (2003), whose aim was to understand the rationalization of work processes in architectural offices. This dissertation possible to trace, among other things, another story of the relationship between architecture and state in Brazil from industrialization in São Paulo. Based on the notion of intellectuals Gramsci, we discuss the extended state design and envision a particular kind of state, which in our case is the State industrialist. And relate interested in public policy of that State for industrialization industries office designed by Rino Levi Architects Associate SC Ltda. (ERLAA) that has developed over the decades its activities from 1920 to 1990, many projects in the city of São Paulo. The relationship proposed here is unprecedented. Grounded in this relationship, put in another scene about the formation of intellectuals and hegemony, a Gramscian point of view.