Köyhyyden perintö : Tutkimus kulttuurisen tiedon sisällöistä ja jatkuvuuksista suomalaisissa elämäkerta- ja sananlaskuaineistoissa

The Legacy of Poverty. A Study of the substance and continuity of cultural knowledge in Finnish biographical and proverbial texts The study focuses on the idea of the cultural knowledge and shared understanding that ordinary people, folk , have of the concepts and ideas about rural based poverty in Finland. Throughout 19th century and well into 20th century, the majority of the population remained agrarian and poor. By the 1950s, most people still lived in rural areas and a majority of them earned their living primarily from agriculture and forestry. Urbanization proceeded rapidly from the 1960s onwards. Even though the Nordic welfare state was firmly established in Finland by the 1970s, old forms of agrarian poverty still remained in the culture. The source material for the study consists of 99 biographies and 502 proverbs. Biographical texts include written autobiographies and interviewed biographies. A primary analyzing concept is called a poverty speech. The poverty speech has been analyzed by providing answers to the following three questions: What connotations do people attach to poverty when they speak about it? What sort of social relations arise when people speak about poverty? How is the past experience of poverty constructed in the present and in the welfare state context? Cultural knowledge is a theoretical and analytical tool that enables people to categorize information. The three questions stated above are crucial in revealing the schematic structure that people use to communicate about agrarian poverty. Categories are analyzed and processed in terms of cultural themes that contain the ideals and stereotypes of spoken motif and sub-themes. The application of theoretical and analytical premises to the poverty speech has shown that there are four cultural themes. The first theme is Power. The social connotations in the poverty speech are mostly in relation to the better-off people. Poverty does not exist without an awareness of welfare, i.e. the understanding of a certain standard of welfare above that of one's own. The second theme is about family ties as a resource and welfare network. In poverty speech, marriage is represented as a means to upgrade one's livelihood. Family members are described as supporting one another, but at the same time as being antagonists. The third theme, Work represents the work ethic that is being connected to the poverty. Hard working as a representation is attached to eligibility for `a good life´ that in Finland was to become an owner-occupier of a cottage or a flat. The fourth theme is Security. The resentment of unfair treatment is expressed by using moral superiority and rational explanations. The ruling classes in the agrarian society are portrayed as being evil and selfish with no social conscience because they did not provide enough assistance to those who needed it. During the period when the welfare benefit system was undeveloped, the poor expected the wealthier people to make a contribution to the distribution of material wealth. In the premises of cultural knowledge, both oral and written traditions are about human thinking: they deal with topics, ideas and evaluations that are relevant to their bearers. Many elements expressed in poverty speech, such as classifications and customs derived from the rural world, have been carried over into the next generation in newer contexts and a different cultural environment. Keywords: cultural knowledge, cognitive categorization, poverty, life stories, proverbs

Actitud natural y actitud fenomenológica

Resumen: La fenomenología de Husserl toma como punto de partida el problema del conocimiento con el fin de reformular la idea de una filosofía como ciencia estricta que aspira en última instancia a establecer una vida éticamente buena sobre bases racionales. Tiene que enfrentarse para ello con las cuestiones del comienzo de la filosofía y de su método. Ambas exigen tener en cuenta la distinción entre la actitud natural y la actitud propiamente filosófica porque la epojé que abre el camino a la reducción fenomenológica requiere advertir, tematizar y suspender la validez de la actitud natural. En la primera sección del artículo se deslindan los rasgos esenciales de las actitudes y se distinguen tipos generales de actitudes. A continuación se muestra, en la segunda sección, a la actitud natural como el fondo o suelo de todas las actitudes especiales y se delinean sus caracteres más sobresalientes. En la tercera sección, por último, se contrasta esta actitud natural básica con la actitud fenomenológica en conexión con el modo como Descartes comprende las cuestiones del comienzo y del método. Con ello se retorna al planteo de la filosofía como conocimiento en vistas a una renovación ética de la vida espiritual a fin de precisar por qué el paso de la actitud natural a la actitud fenomenológica es la condición necesaria para poder abandonar la instalación ingenua sobre el suelo incuestionado del mundo.

El redescubrimiento de la filosofía personalista de Jacques Maritain

Resumen: El autor sostiene que la búsqueda de nuevos modelos empresariales y de política económica nos invita a redescubrir la filosofía personalista de Maritain. En el núcleo de la obra Humanismo integral (1936) del filósofo francés aparece la idea de que el hombre es una persona "de naturaleza espiritual, dotada de libre albedrío, y por lo tanto autónoma en relación con el mundo". El artículo estudia la naturaleza del bien común temporal, que para Maritain se relaciona con la vida buena de la toda la comunidad –el bien común o bonum commune– tanto en el sentido material como moral. Este bonum commune no es el objetivo final del orden temporal, sino que está subordinado a lo que trasciende el bienestar temporal de la persona humana –la realización de la libertad y la perfección espiritual. En última instancia, el orden nunca se completa. El balance definitivo o telos nunca se obtiene ya que el hombre está siempre en camino.

Liberalismo, neutralidad estatal y perfeccionismo : Rawls y su crítica

Resumen: Este artículo expone ciertos ejes del debate contemporáneo en torno al liberalismo político y la neutralidad estatal para intentar una recapitulación crítica que permita arrojar luz sobre la posibilidad de una posición que concilie el respeto a la pluralidad contemporánea y a ciertos principios constitucionales con la no abdicación del rol que la política debe tener en el fomento de la “vida buena” (lo que en la tradición de la filosofía política anglosajona se ha designado como “perfeccionismo”). El artículo explora, al menos preliminarmente, sobre qué premisas se asentaría dicha conciliación, a través del análisis de la justificación del “perfeccionismo” y del tratamiento del tema del paternalismo estatal, la coerción y el fomento. Se analizan las ideas de Rawls así como las de algunos de sus críticos, en especial de Sandel y – sobre todo– de Raz, dado que es un autor que abre las puertas a la posibilidad de un liberalismo “perfeccionista”, fiel a los principios del liberalismo político clásico, pero que abandona la exigencia de “neutralidad” ante distintas concepciones del bien.

Catholic social economy : past evolution and present challenges

Introducción: This article provides a historical interpretation of Catholic social economy (also called Social Catholicism) in an attempt to give a Christian form to capitalism. The aim of this writing is to reflect on the evolution of Catholic economic thought and to offer some foreseeable development in light of the experience that characterized the early stages of this movement. By Catholic social economy, the author does not mean the social doctrine of the church, but the whole set of scientific work of Catholic scholars, with their different orientations and acceptance by the official documents of the holy soil. Roman Catholicism is the only religion that has produced wide and continuous scientific research about political economy. This should not be considered an anomaly, because the positivistic attitude of modern economics tends to crowd out the classic unitary view of man and of a good life that characterizes Catholic anthropology. As a consequence, it can be considered an attempt to address scientific research in a way compatible to the Catholic view of the “social nature of man”, and not an attempt to resist or to contrast the role of science. The fundamental concepts of this stream of research have been the idea of natural law intended as a moral order (vs. the equilibrium of conflicting strategies), the social nature of man (vs. individualism and individual autonomy) and the role that charity and justice assume for individual behaviour inspired by the common good (vs. freedom and laissez faire)...

A methodological framework for studying policy coherence for development

The purpose of this article is to develop a methodological framework for analyzing Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). With this goal, we analyze different views of PCD in order to establish a comprehensive approach of Coherence adapted to globalization process. In this context, the article proposes a methodological framework based on four dimensions of analysis in CPD. In each dimen-sion, we set the areas and actors to investigate and we put forward research questions that could be use as a guide for a comprehensive approach to study PCD.

Green Political Theory

Ecologism or green political theory is the most recent of schools of political thinking. On the one hand, it focuses on issues that are extremely old in politics and philosophical inquiry – such as the relationship between the human and nonhuman worlds, the moral status of animals, what is the ‘good life’, and the ethical and political regulation of technological innovation. Yet on the other, it is also characterised as dealing with some specifically contemporary issues such as the economic and political implications of climate change, peak oil, overconsumption, resource competition and conflicts, and rising levels of global and national inequalities. It is also an extremely broad school of political thought covering a wide variety of concerns, contains a number of distinct sub-schools of green thought (here sharing a similarity with other political ideologies) and combines normative and empirical scientific elements in a unique manner making it distinctive from other political ideologies.

Desire for fertility and associated factors among people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) in selected antiretroviral therapy (ART) clinics of Horro Guduru Wollega Zone, North West Oromia, Ethiopia- A cross sectional study

Background: Most recently fertility issues in HIV positive men and women are becoming increasingly important. Because of ART access and its good life effect, it is expected that the need and desire to get married, to have children and to have sexual partners for PLWHA would change with the regard to reproductive health. In Ethiopia HIV positive individuals may or may not have desire to have children. And the extent of this desire and how it varies by individual, health and demographic characteristics is not well known.

Objective: the aim of the study was to assess desire for fertility and associated factors among PLWHA in selected ART clinics of Horro Guduru Wollega Zone, Oromia National Regional State, Ethiopia.

Methods: A cross-sectional, institutional-based study that employed quantitative and qualitative in-depth interviews was conducted. Three hundred twenty one study subjects were selected using systematic random sampling technique and the data was collected using interviewer administered structured questionnaire. Data entry and analysis were performed using EPI Info version 3.5.1 and SPSS version 16. P-value <0.05 was taken as statistically significant and logistic regression was used to control potential confounding factors.

Results: Seventy three (57.9%) of the males and seventy six (39%) of the females desired to have children, giving a total of 149(46.4%) of all study participants. PLWHA who desired children were younger (AOR:3.3, 95%CI: 1.3-8.9), married (AOR: 5.8, 95%CI: 2.7-12.8), had no children (AOR: 75, 95%CI: 20.1-273.3) and males (AOR; 1.9, 95%CI: 1.02-3.62) compared with their counter parts. The major reason for those people who did not desire children were having desired number of children 80 (46.5%) followed by fear of HIV transmission to child reported by 42 (24.4%) of them.

Conclusion: A considerable number of PLWHA wants to have a child currently or in the near future. Many variables like socio demography, partner related, number of alive children and HIV related disease condition were significantly associated with fertility desire.

Constitutional Questions

Constitutional Questions
Professor John Morison MRIA School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast
How should we live together? Is there any ethical question more fundamental than this?
Is a constitution only about who does what in government or is it about what is to be done? Does a constitution provide the ground rules for deciding this or is it part of the answer itself? Is it the repository of fundamental values about how to live? What is the good life anyway? Is it about the preservation of life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Or something more? What about preserving (or radically reordering) the distribution of property? Or ensuring that everyone has the same chances? Is it the job of the constitution to simply promise dignity, equality and freedom, or to deliver these values?
If the constitution is the place where the state undertakes “to promote the welfare of the whole people”, what does this actually mean in practical terms? And who pays for it? Should a constitution give us an entitlement to at least a basic minimum by way of a lifestyle? Or is it the job only of the political process to decide issues about the allocation of resources? What do we do if we feel that we cannot trust our politicians? Are there basic rules that should govern the operation of politics and are there fundamental values that should not be overridden? Are these “sacred and undeniable”? Or to be interpreted in line with modern conditions and within a “margin of appreciation”? Who decides on this in individual cases?
Who is entitled to any of this, and on what basis? Is everyone equal? Is the constitution about making it clear that no-one is better than you, and that in turn, you are better than no-one? Is a constitution about ensuring that you will always be an end in yourself and never simply a means to anyone else’s end? Or does it simply reinforce the existing distribution of power and wealth?
Are citizens to be given more than those who are not citizens? Is more to be expected from them, and what might that be? Can the constitution tell us how we should treat those from outside who now live with us?
What is the relationship between a constitution and a nation? Who is in the nation anyway? Should we talk about “we the people” or “we the peoples”? Should a constitution confirm a nationality or facilitate diversity? Is the constitution the place to declare aspirations for a national territory? Or to confirm support for the idea of consent? What about all our neighbours – on the island of Ireland and in Great Britain? Or in Europe? And beyond?
What is the relationship between a constitution and democracy? Is a constitution simply the rules by which the powerful govern the powerless? In what sense does a constitution belong to everyone, across past, present and future generations? Is it the place where we state common values? Are there any? Do they change across time? Should the people be asked about changes they may want? How often should this be done? Should the constitution address the past and its problems? How might this be done? What do we owe future generations?
Finally, if we can agree that the constitution is about respecting human rights, striving for social justice and building a fair and democratic Ireland – North and South – how do we make it happen in practice?

Embodying Self-Determination: Re-placing Food Sovereignty through Everyday Geographies of Indigenous Resurgence

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2015

Localism as restorative politics; social capital and anti-politics in the London Borough of Burgundia

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to explore the political implications of policies and measures designed to promote “localism”. That is to say, the devolution of power down to a neighbourhood level, as enacted under the 2011 Localism Act. The implementation of localism in London boroughs will be examined. The context is the current concern over disengagement in an era of “anti-politics”, so it is intended to gain an understanding of how localism is interpreted and implemented on the ground. A tentative thesis, of a “restorative politics”, is proposed, such that localism is dynamic and is generating healthy political activity which counters anti-politics in the local community. This could have profound implications for the political parties locally and at Westminster. The extant theories about localism include constructivist interpretations suggesting that a neo-liberal localism is anti-political. This is contested. An emerging narrative heralding a new dawn of empowerment, and related themes concerning social capital, subsidiarity and anti-politics are reviewed. A necessarily empirical approach is adopted in an essentially functionalist frame of reference. There is a review of both academic and policy literature, combined with interviews of professionals involved in localism. This paper is designed to scope a future more substantial piece of research. The conference brief asks; “what scales or levels are appropriate for organising politics in this century”. In a century so far characterised by disillusionment, democratic deficits and abstention, the answer may be; local. The Good Life is lived locally in shared experience and familiar surroundings, hitherto not much amenable to local change. Burgundia is a reference to the film “Passport to Pimlico” (1949), when ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to explore the political implications of policies and measures designed to promote “localism”. That is to say, the devolution of power down to a neighbourhood level, as enacted under the 2011 Localism Act. The implementation of localism in London boroughs will be examined. The context is the current concern over disengagement in an era of “anti-politics”, so it is intended to gain an understanding of how localism is interpreted and implemented on the ground. A tentative thesis, of a “restorative politics”, is proposed, such that localism is dynamic and is generating healthy political activity which counters anti-politics in the local community. This could have profound implications for the political parties locally and at Westminster. The extant theories about localism include constructivist interpretations suggesting that a neo-liberal localism is anti-political. This is contested. An emerging narrative heralding a new dawn of empowerment, and related themes concerning social capital, subsidiarity and anti-politics are reviewed. A necessarily empirical approach is adopted in an essentially functionalist frame of reference. There is a review of both academic and policy literature, combined with interviews of professionals involved in localism. This paper is designed to scope a future more substantial piece of research. The conference brief asks; “what scales or levels are appropriate for organising politics in this century”. In a century so far characterised by disillusionment, democratic deficits and abstention, the answer may be; local. The Good Life is lived locally in shared experience and familiar surroundings, hitherto not much amenable to local change. Burgundia is a reference to the film “Passport to Pimlico” (1949), when a London neighbourhood declared independence and its citizens temporarily created the Good Life for themselves. Is the 21st century localism generating a restorative politics?

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

On and off air: an ethnographic exploration of minority radio in Portugal

Taking a Media Anthropology’s approach to dynamics of mediated selfrepresentation in migratory contexts, this thesis starts by mapping radio initiatives produced by, for and/or with migrants in Portugal. To further explore dynamics of support of initial settlement in the country, community-making, cultural reproduction, and transnational connectivity - found both in the mapping stage and the minority media literature (e.g. Kosnick, 2007; Rigoni & Saitta, 2012; Silverstone & Georgiou, 2005) - a case study was selected: the station awarded with the first bilingual license in Portugal. The station in question caters largely to the British population presenting themselves as “expats” and residing in the Algarve. The ethnographic strategy to research it consisted of “following the radio” (Marcus, 1995) beyond the station and into the events and establishments it announces on air, so as to relate production and consumption realms. The leading research question asks how does locally produced radio play into “expats” processes of management of cultural identity – and what are the specificities of its role? Drawing on conceptualizations of lifestyle migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009), production of locality (Appadurai 1996) and the public sphere (Butsch, 2007; Calhoun & et al, 1992; Dahlgren, 2006), this thesis contributes to valuing radio as a productive gateway to research migrants’ construction of belonging, to inscribe a counterpoint in the field of minority media, and to debate conceptualizations of migratory categories and flows. Specifically, this thesis argues that the station fulfills similar roles to other minority radio initiatives but in ways that are specific to the population being catered to. Namely, unlike other minority stations, radio facilitates the process of transitioning between categories along on a continuum linking tourists and migrants. It also reflects and participates in strategies of reterritorialization that rest on functional and partial modes of incorporation. While contributing to sustain a translocality (Appadurai, 1996) it indexes and fosters a stance of connection that is symbolically and materially connected to the UK and other “neighborhoods” but is, simultaneously, oriented to engaging with the Algarve as “home”. Yet, besides reifying a British cultural identity, radio’s oral, repetitive and ephemeral discourse particularly trivializes the reproduction of an ambivalent stance of connection with place that is shared by other “expats”. This dynamic is related to migratory projects driven by social imaginaries fostered by international media that stimulate the search for idealized ways of living, which the radio associates with the Algarve. While recurrently localizing and validating the narrative projecting an idealized “good life”, radio amplifies dynamics among migrants that seem to reaffirm the migratory move as a good choice.

The philosopher and the rhetorician : a study of persuasion in Plato's Gorgias and Aristotle's Rhetoric /

In his treatise, On Rhetoric, Aristotle argues that there are three species within an art of rhetoric, judicial, deliberative, and epideictic. Aristotle's threefold rhetorical art, which is based on the functioning of the soul toward justice, reveals the possibilities for persuasive speech found in the Nicomachean Ethics. Aristotle suggests that the soul and political life can be ordered according to reason through speeches pursuing justice, efficiency, and noble action. The relation between rhetoric and the soul also demonstrates how Socrates' rhetoric in Plato's Gorgias is based on an well-ordered soul, which is a just soul. In contrast to his own persuasion, Socrates demonstrates that the persuasive speech employed and taught by Gorgias, the rhetorician, is based on disorder and injustice. These two texts reveal that the intent of rhetoric is not separate from its practice. A study of the art of rhetoric, based on a study of the just soul and the good life, leads to the higher inquiries into politics and philosophy. Thus, political life and philosophy may benefit when citizens examine the nature of rhetoric, and subsequently, justice, within a community and within a soul.

Managing Risk in a Culture of Rights: Providing Support and Treatment in Community-Based Settings for Persons with Intellectual Disabilities who Sexually Offend

People with intellectual disability who sexually offend commonly live in community-based settings since the closing of all institutions across the province of Ontario. Nine (n=9) front line staff who provide support to these individuals in three different settings (treatment setting, transitional setting, residential setting) were interviewed. Participants responded to 47 questions to explore how sex offenders with intellectual disability can be supported in the community to prevent re-offenses. Questions encompassed variables that included staff attitudes, various factors impacting support, structural components of the setting, quality of life and the good life, staff training, staff perspectives on treatment, and understanding of risk management. Three overlapping models that have been supported in the literature were used collectively for the basis of this research: The Good Lives Model (Ward & Gannon, 2006; Ward et al., 2007), the quality of life model (Felce & Perry, 1995), and variables associated with risk management. Results of this research showed how this population is being supported in the community with an emphasis on the following elements: positive and objective staff attitude, teamwork, clear rules and protocols, ongoing supervision, consistency, highly trained staff, and environments that promote quality of life. New concepts arose which suggested that all settings display an unequal balance of upholding human rights and managing risks when supporting this high-risk population. This highlights the need for comprehensive assessments in order to match the offender to the proper setting and supports, using an integration of a Risk, Need, Responsivity model and the Good Lives model for offender rehabilitation and to reduce the likelihood of re-offenses.