953 resultados para Food Insecurity
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Dramatic advances in developmental sciences are beginning to reveal the biological mechanisms underlying well-established associations between early childhood adversity and lifelong measures of limited productivity and poor health. The case studies by Chilton and Rabinowich provide poignant and compelling qualitative data that support an ecobiodevelopmental approach towards understanding and addressing both the complex causes and intergenerational consequences of food insecurity.
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Commentary on "Individual, Family, and Neighborhood Characteristics and Children's Food Insecurity," by Rachel Kimbro, Justin Denney, and Sarita Panchang.
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Household food insecurity is associated with threats to children’s intellectual, behavioral, and psycho-emotional development. In addition to poor food quality and quantity, the stress associated with food insecurity can undermine caregiver mental health and family functioning. Evidence demonstrates that national assistance programs and policies are needed to ensure that families and children have access to adequate sources of healthy food and to stress-alleviating resources.
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Invited commentary of an article that discusses the association between parental factors and food insecurity by Angela Hilmers, Karen Cullen, Carolyn Moore and Teresia O’Connor.
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Background: Food insecurity may negatively impact children’s nutritional status by affecting parenting quality. Because parents have a strong influence on their children’s eating and food choices, examining the effects of food insecurity on parenting may provide important insights into obesity prevention efforts. Objectives: This study explored whether food insecurity was associated with parental self-efficacy and parenting practices related to fruit and vegetable consumption. Methods: Secondary analysis was performed using baseline data from 31 mothers of 5-8 year old overweight or obese children who had participated in a pilot obesity treatment program. Household food security status, fruit and vegetable parental self-efficacy (modeling/socialization, planning/encouraging and availability/accessibility) and fruit and vegetable parenting practices (structure, responsiveness, non-directive control, and external control) were assessed using validated measures. Students' t-test investigated differences in subscales by food security status. Results: There were no significant differences in fruit and vegetable parenting practices and parental self-efficacy between food secure and insecure groups. There was a trend towards a decrease in parental self-efficacy for making fruit and vegetables available in the home among food insecure parents (p=.06). Conclusions: In this small sample no significant associations were found between food insecurity and fruit and vegetable parenting practices and parental self-efficacy. However, the trend observed in this exploratory analysis supports further hypothesis-driven research with a larger sample size able to detect more subtle differences.
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The purposes of this study were to determine the prevalence of food insecurity and factors associated with food insecurity among households with children enrolled in Head Start programs in Houston, Texas, and Birmingham, Alabama. This cross-sectional study utilized data gathered from 688 households recruited by convenience sample from two Head Start districts in each city. Interviewers collected data from primary caregivers on demographic characteristics, dietary intake, and the six-item USDA food security module. Chi-square and logistic regression analysis were used to determine the association of food security and demographic characteristics. Comparison of means was used to analyze the association between the child's fruit and vegetable intake and the household's food security status. The prevalence of food insecurity among the sample was 34.9% (95% CI: 31.3%, 38.5%). Characteristics associated with food insecurity were the caregiver's national origin (Foreign-born (ref.) v. U.S.-born, adjusted OR = 0.36, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.94), gender of the child (male (ref.) v. female, adjusted OR = 1.44, 95% CI: 1.03, 2.01), and city of residence (Birmingham (ref.) v. Houston, adjusted OR = 0.20, 95% CI: 0.10, 0.39). Children in food insecure households consumed more daily servings of fruits and vegetables on average (mean = 2.44) than children in food secure households (mean = 2.16, p = 0.04). ^
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Over the past several decades, the prevalence of obesity has dramatically increased. Cause for concern has increased because overweight and obesity are major contributors to morbidity and mortality. Intervention research aimed at reducing the prevalence of obesity has identified the family, specifically the parent, as a key component of the home environment. However, findings from dietary behavior change interventions have been disheartening because few studies have reported meaningful change, suggesting methodological and/or measurement issues within the intervention process. A lack of appropriate mediators and cross-cultural equivalence may partially explain the reason for little change.^ The study aims were to (1) evaluate the psychometric properties and assess the cross cultural equivalence of the Food Insecurity Scale (paper 1) and the modified Parent Feeding Practices Questionnaire (paper 2) and to assess the overall relationships among food insecurity, parent mediators, and parent behaviors towards children's dietary behavior (paper 3) through structural equation modeling and tests of invariance. The study aims were accomplished through conducting secondary analyses using baseline data from English- and Spanish-speaking Hispanic women who participated in the Healthy Families: Step by Step (BHF) study.^ Results indicated that although the FIS and the mPFPQ exhibited sound psychometric properties, the instruments exhibited a lack of invariance across language spoken groups. The lack of invariance was more pronounced in the FIS. Results also supported the theoretical framework identifying parent's perceived barriers and self-efficacy as mediators of parent's behaviors toward improving children's health eating. Results did not suggest that the relationships were moderated by food insecurity.^ In conclusion, the identification of differential item functioning in food insecurity and parent feeding practices may be beneficial in enhancing tailored interventions through the incorporation of cultural differences into the change mechanisms. However, future research needs to be conducted to determine if the lack of invariance demonstrates the existence of item bias or if it is a reflection of true difference among the language spoken groups. Additionally, obesity intervention studies targeting parent/family barriers and parent self-efficacy to provide/encourage healthy diets may result in an increase in parent behaviors which promote healthy eating behaviors among children. Future research should also examine a more complete causal pathway to determine whether parental changes in the mediators ultimately lead to an increase in healthy dietary behavior among children.^
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A review of Child Food Insecurity: The Economic Impact on our Nation. A Report on Research on the Impact of Food Insecurity and Hunger on Child Health, Growth and Development Commissioned by Feeding America and the ConAgra Foods Foundation by John Cook and Karen Jeng.
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The Inupiaq Tribe resides north of the Arctic Circle in northwestern Alaska. The people are characterized by their continued dependence on harvested fish, game and plants, known as a subsistence lifestyle (Lee 2000:35-45). Many are suggesting that they leave their historical home and move to urban communities, places believed to be more comfortable as they age. Tribal Elders disagree and have stated, "Elders need to be near the river where they were raised" (Branch 2005:1). The research questions focused on differences that location had on four groups of variables: nutrition parameters, community support, physical functioning and health. A total of 101 Inupiaq Elders ≥ 50 years were surveyed: 52 from two rural villages, and 49 in Anchorage. Location did not influence energy intake or intake of protein; levels of nutrition risk and food insecurity; all had similar rates between the two groups. Both rural and urban Elders reported few limitations of ADLs and IADLs. Self-reported general health scores (SF-12.v2 GH) were also similar by location. Differences were found with rural Elders reporting higher physical functioning summary scores (SF-12.v2 PCS), higher mental health scores (SF-12.v2 MH), higher vitality and less pain even though the rural mean ages were five years older than the urban Elders. Traditional food customs appear to support the overall health and well being of the rural Inupiaq Elders as demonstrated by higher intakes of Native foods, stronger food sharing networks and higher family activity scores than did urban Elders. The rural community appeared to foster continued physical activity. It has been said that when Elders are in the rural setting they are near "people they know" and it is a place "where they can get their Native food" (NRC 2005). These factors appear to be important as Inupiaq Elders age, as rural Inupiaq Elders fared as well or better than Inupiaq Elders in terms of diet, mental and physical health.
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Food security is defined as a situation that exists when “all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to maintain a healthy and active life. It is a multilevel concept, which includes four main dimensions: availability related to food supply; accessibility in order to ensure the physical and economic access to food; adequacy to meet nutritional needs in quantity and quality while respecting individual food preferences and cultural issues (utilization); and, lastly, stability of the guarantee of food security over time. According to the food security definition, it is abroad concept where all these dimensions are largely affected by a considerable number of factors related to: public policies of different sectors, food production/industry/distribution food systems, marketing and advertising of food, social support networks and individual determinants related to food choice behaviour.
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The current food practices around the world raises concerns for food insecurity in the future. Urban / suburban / and peri-urban environments are particularly problematic in their segregation from rural areas where the natural food sources are grown and harvested. Soaring urban population growth only deteriorates the lack of understanding in and access to fresh produce for the people who live, work, and play in the city. This paper explores the role of Human-Computer Interaction (HCI) design in encouraging individual users to participate in creating sustainable food cultures in urban environments. The paper takes a disciplinary perspective of urban informatics and presents five core constituents of the HCI design framework to encourage sustainable food culture in the city via ubiquitous technologies: the perspective of transdisciplinarity; the domains of interest of people, place, and technology; and the perspective of design.
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Background: Periurban agriculture refers to agricultural practice occurring in areas with mixed rural and urban features. It is responsible 25% of the total gross value of economic production in Australia, despite only comprising 3% of the land used for agriculture. As populations grows and cities expand, they are constantly absorbing surrounding fringe areas, thus creating a new fringe, further from the city causing the periurban region to constantly shift outwards. Periurban regions are fundamental in the provision of fresh food to city populations and residential (and industrial) expansion taking over agricultural land has been noted as a major worldwide concern. Another major concern around the increase in urbanisation and resultant decrease in periurban agriculture is its potential effect on food security. Food security is the availability or access to nutritionally-adequate, culturally-relevant and safe foods in culturally-appropriate ways. Thus food insecurity occurs when access to or availability of these foods is compromised. There is an important level of connectedness between food security and food production and a decrease in periurban agriculture may have adverse effects on food security. A decrease in local, seasonal produce may result in a decrease in the availability of products and an increase in cost, as food must travel greater distances, incurring extra costs present at the consumer level. Currently, few Australian studies exist examining the change in periurban agriculture over time. Such information may prove useful for future health policy and interventions as well as infrastructure planning. The aim of this study is to investigate changes in periurban agriculture among capital cities of Australia. Methods: We compared data pertaining to selected commodities from the Australian Bureau of Statistics 2000-01 and 2005 -2006 Agricultural Census. This survey is distributed online or via mail on a five-yearly basis to approximately 175,000 Agricultural business to ascertain information on a range of factors, such as types of crops, livestock and land preparation practices. For the purpose of this study we compared the land being used for total crops, and cereal , oil seed, legume, fruit and vegetable crops separately. Data was analysed using repeated measures anova in spss. Results: Overall, total area available for crops in urbanised areas of Australia increased slightly by 1.8%. However, Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide and Perth experienced decreases in the area available for fruit crops by 11%, 5%,and 4% respectively. Furthermore, Brisbane and Perth experienced decreases in land available for vegetable crops by 28% and 14% respectively. Finally, Sydney, Adelaide and Perth experienced decreases in land available for cereal crops by 10 – 79%. Conclusions: These findings suggest that population increases and consequent urban sprawl may be resulting in a decrease in peri-urban agriculture, specifically for several core food groups including fruit, breads and grain based foods. In doing so, access to or availability of these foods may be limited, and the cost of these foods is likely to increase, which may compromise food insecurity for certain sub-groups of the population.
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INTRODUCTION Globally, one-third of food production is lost annually due to negligent authorities. India alone loses some 21 million tonnes of wheat per year even while it has 200 million food-insecure people in the nation. Disturbingly provocative as it may sound, it is amazing how national and international institutions and governments make use of human hunger for their own survival (Raghib 2013). The global food system is increasingly insecure. Challenges to long-term global food security are encapsulated by resource scarcity, environmental degradation, biodiversity loss, climate change, reductions of farm labour and a growing world population. These issues are caused and aggravated by the spread of corporatised and monopolised food systems, dietary change, and urbanisation. These factors have rapidly brought food insecurity under the umbrella of unconventional security threats (Heukelom 2011). For some, humanitarian crises associated with food insecurity, or what has been dubbed ‘the silent tsunami’, is a pending peril, notably for the world’s poorest and most vulnerable people. For others, the food production industry is an emerging market with unprecedented profits. Despite this problem of food scarcity we are witnessing extraordinary ‘food wastage’, notably in North America and Europe, on a scale that would reportedly be capable of feeding the world’s hungry six times over (Stuart 2012). As the opening quotation to this chapter suggests, governments and corporations are deeply involved in the contexts, politics, and resources associated with food related issues. As many economically developed and advanced industrial nations are reporting a rise out of recession, announcements are made by the world’s richest countries that they are to cut $US2 billion per year from food aid. The head of the World Food Aid Programme, Rosette Sheeran, warns that such cuts could result in ‘the loss of a generation’ (Walters 2011). The global food crisis has also reinvigorated debates about agricultural development and genetically modified (GM) food; as well as fuelling debates about poverty, debt and security. This chapter provides a discussion of the political economy of global food debates and explores the threats and opportunities surrounding food production and future food security.
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This paper offers one explanation for the institutional basis of food insecurity in Australia, and argues that while alternative food networks and the food sovereignty movement perform a valuable function in building forms of social solidarity between urban consumers and rural producers, they currently make only a minor contribution to Australia’s food and nutrition security. The paper begins by identifying two key drivers of food security: household incomes (on the demand side) and nutrition-sensitive, ‘fair food’ agriculture (on the supply side). We focus on this second driver and argue that healthy populations require an agricultural sector that delivers dietary diversity via a fair and sustainable food system. In order to understand why nutrition-sensitive, fair food agriculture is not flourishing in Australia we introduce the development economics theory of urban bias. According to this theory, governments support capital intensive rather than labour intensive agriculture in order to deliver cheap food alongside the transfer of public revenues gained from rural agriculture to urban infrastructure, where the majority of the voting public resides. We chart the unfolding of the Urban Bias across the twentieth century and its consolidation through neo-liberal orthodoxy, and argue that agricultural policies do little to sustain, let alone revitalize, rural and regional Australia. We conclude that by observing food system dynamics through a re-spatialized lens, Urban Bias Theory is valuable in highlighting rural–urban socio-economic and political economy tensions, particularly regarding food system sustainability. It also sheds light on the cultural economy tensions for alternative food networks as they move beyond niche markets to simultaneously support urban food security and sustainable rural livelihoods.
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The prospect of climate change has revived both fears of food insecurity and its corollary, market opportunities for agricultural production. In Australia, with its long history of state-sponsored agricultural development, there is renewed interest in the agricultural development of tropical and sub-tropical northern regions. Climate projections suggest that there will be less water available to the main irrigation systems of the eastern central and southern regions of Australia, while net rainfall could be sustained or even increase in the northern areas. Hence, there could be more intensive use of northern agricultural areas, with the relocation of some production of economically important commodities such as vegetables, rice and cotton. The problem is that the expansion of cropping in northern Australia has been constrained by agronomic and economic considerations. The present paper examines the economics, at both farm and regional level, of relocating some cotton production from the east-central irrigation areas to the north where there is an existing irrigation scheme together with some industry and individual interest in such relocation. Integrated modelling and expert knowledge are used to examine this example of prospective climate change adaptation. Farm-level simulations show that without adaptation, overall gross margins will decrease under a combination of climate change and reduction in water availability. A dynamic regional Computable General Equilibrium model is used to explore two scenarios of relocating cotton production from south east Queensland, to sugar-dominated areas in northern Queensland. Overall, an increase in real economic output and real income was realized when some cotton production was relocated to sugar cane fallow land/new land. There were, however, large negative effects on regional economies where cotton production displaced sugar cane. It is concluded that even excluding the agronomic uncertainties, which are not examined here, there is unlikely to be significant market-driven relocation of cotton production.