974 resultados para Failed states
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El propósito de esta monografía es comprender cuál ha sido el rol de la Unión Africana (UA), dentro de la misión de paz AMISOM en el periodo de 2007- 2013. Por ello, el trabajo abarca aspectos geopolíticos e históricos, que han influido en la configuración del conflicto armado de Somalía y que han llevado progresivamente a la creación, evolución e implementación de mecanismos como las misiones de paz. Además, se abarcan los planteamientos del neo-funcionalismo y el neo-regionalismo para comprender las estructuras y las dinámicas propias de la UA y así, comprender la naturaleza tanto de sus acciones, como de sus propósitos; propósitos que aclaman el fomento del panafricanismo. Desde aquí se puede entender como su rol ha contribuido con el crecimiento del mercado de la industria militar en la región, a costa de la responsabilidad de proteger. Por último, se concluye que dichas dinámicas han llevado a la creación de comunidades de inseguridad.
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This article highlights the predicament of persons recognized as refugees according to the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (CSR1951 refugees) when they travel outside their state of asylum. Their status entails ipso facto that, if they are ill-treated abroad, they cannot turn to representatives of their state of nationality and request its diplomatic protection, nor can they expect to receive its consular assistance. It is submitted that a state of asylum ought to extend the scope of protection that it offers CSR1951 refugees residing in its territory, and provide them diplomatic protection and consular assistance when they travel abroad as if they were its nationals. Four claims are advanced in support of this contention: First: the advent of human rights treaties has not rendered obsolete the protection of nationals abroad nor has the practice fallen into disuse. On the contrary, protection abroad retains its pedigree and significance, as is illustrated by the recently adopted International Law Commission's Draft Articles on Diplomatic Protection and by frequent resort to consular assistance. Second: while states previously enjoyed unfettered discretion concerning whether and when to protect their nationals abroad, recent developments in domestic jurisdictions as well as in European Union (EU) treaties point to the potential emergence of a qualified duty to exercise state protection or to be willing to provide justifications for its refusal. These developments call particular attention to the vulnerability of CSR1951 refugees: the professed aim of the EU treaty regime is that EU citizens should enjoy effective state protection wherever they travel; by contrast, CSR1951 refugees are in need of state protection wherever they travel. Third: according to CSR1951, states of asylum are required to issue Convention Travel Documents (CTDs) to recognized refugees lawfully staying in their territory. While CTDs do not in of themselves authorize states of asylum to provide protection abroad to their CSR1951 refugees, they reflect partial recognition of the instrumental role of these states in facilitating safe refugee travel. Fourth: while the 'nationality of claims' requirement remains pivotal to the institution of diplomatic protection, and efforts to effectuate its general relaxation have thus far failed, the International Law Commission (ILC) has 'carved out' an exception authorizing states of asylum to provide protection abroad to their recognized refugees. The ILC's protection-enhancing agenda, reflecting progressive development of the law, is laudable, even though it has opted for a rather cautious approach.
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Includes bibliography
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Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.
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To test whether humans can encode words during sleep we played everyday words to men while they were napping and assessed priming from sleep played words following waking. Words were presented during non rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep. Priming was assessed using a semantic and a perceptual priming test. These tests measured differences in the proces sing of words that had been or had not been played during sleep. Synonyms to sleep played words were the targets in the semantic priming test that tapped the meaning of sleep played words. All men responded to sleep played words by producing up states in their electroencephalogram. Up states are NREM sleep specific phases of briefly increased neuronal excitability. The word evoked up states might have promoted word processing during sleep. Yet, the mean performance in the priming tests administered following sleep was at chance level, which suggests that participants as a group failed to show priming following sleep. However, performance in the two priming tests was positively correlated to each other and to the magnitude of the word evoked up states. Hence, the larger a participant’s word evoked up states, the larger his perceptual and semantic priming. Those participants who scored high on all variables must have encoded words during sleep. We conclude that some humans are able to encode words during sleep, but more research is needed to pin down the factors that modulate this ability.
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This guidance paper from the European Psychiatric Association (EPA) aims to provide evidence-based recommendations on early intervention in clinical high risk (CHR) states of psychosis, assessed according to the EPA guidance on early detection. The recommendations were derived from a meta-analysis of current empirical evidence on the efficacy of psychological and pharmacological interventions in CHR samples. Eligible studies had to investigate conversion rate and/or functioning as a treatment outcome in CHR patients defined by the ultra-high risk and/or basic symptom criteria. Besides analyses on treatment effects on conversion rate and functional outcome, age and type of intervention were examined as potential moderators. Based on data from 15 studies (n = 1394), early intervention generally produced significantly reduced conversion rates at 6- to 48-month follow-up compared to control conditions. However, early intervention failed to achieve significantly greater functional provements because both early intervention and control conditions produced similar positive effects. With regard to the type of intervention, both psychological and pharmacological interventions produced significant effects on conversion rates, but not on functional outcome relative to the control conditions. Early intervention in youth samples was generally less effective than in predominantly adult samples. Seven evidence-based recommendations for early intervention in CHR samples could have been formulated, although more studies are needed to investigate the specificity of treatment effects and potential age effects in order to tailor interventions to the individual treatment needs and risk Status.
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In the past 10 years, the use of floating breakwaters as temporary coastal structures has become increasingly widespread in the United States as an inexpensive means for suppressing waves. However, as with any new technology, there have been many failures and a substantial number of imaginative, successful innovations. One of the chief problems contributing to the failure rate has been a lack of awareness by designers of reliable, up-to-date technical information. As part of a large research effort to remedy this problem, a survey was conducted on field experience with floating breakwaters in the Eastern United States. Results of the survey confirmed that state-of-the-art technical literature is not being properly disseminated. Structures built according to early design manuals were shown to have failed before the completion of their design life. Conversely, floating breakwaters built to the standards set by recent research have fared well and show promise of meeting their design golas. The weakest areas of the present technology are flotation and the anchoring systems. It is recommended that a concentrated research effort be directed toward these problem areas; it is also recommended that the monitoring of state-of-the-art projects continue. (Author).
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"Serial no. 102-148."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"June 1994"--Cover.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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During the past twenty years, Washington has oscillated between tentative engagement with Pyongyang under the Clinton administration and isolation and multilateralism under the Bush administration. With the Obama administration almost nearing its four-year tenure, the Six-Party Talks have stalled and North Korea's multiple attacks on the South in 2010 have created new instabilities. Why so little results despite promises of a radical departure away from the Axis of Evil rhetoric and hard-line politics? This paper suggests that the Obama administration has utilized approaches that no longer fit current circumstances and hence failed to create an original, coherent and effective foreign policy. © 2012 McFarland & Company, Inc.
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Több mint tíz év telt el az Európai Unió 2004. évi kibővülése óta. A tízéves évforduló jó lehetőséget kínált a mérlegkészítésre, annak vizsgálatára, hogy a legfrissebb elérhető adatok tükrében milyen fejlődési pályát tudhatnak maguk mögött az új tagországok mezőgazdasági szektorai. Írásunk célja a tíz kelet- európai EU-tagállam agrárteljesítményének értékelése, illetve ez alapján a csatlakozás nyerteseinek, illetve veszteseinek azonosítása. A rendelkezésre álló adatokat a többdimenziós faktoranalízis módszerével feldolgozva arra az eredményre jutottunk, hogy Lengyelország, Észtország és Litvánia hármasa tekinthető az agrárcsatlakozás abszolút nyertesének, míg a többi új tagállam nem volt képes teljes mértékben kihasználni a csatlakozás adta lehetőségeket. Az eredményekből az is látható, hogy a magas hozzáadott értékű termékekre való szakosodás jó stratégiának bizonyult, mert gyorsabb fejlődést biztosított, mint a mezőgazdasági alaptermékekre való koncentrálás. ____ The period of over ten years since the 2004 round of EU accessions provides a good opportunity to assess and take stock of agricultural developments in the new member- States, in light of the latest available data. The paper sets out to assess their agricultural performances and to identify the winners and losers by accession in this regard. Ranking individual country performances using Parallel Factor Analysis (PARAFAC) suggests that Poland, Estonia and Lithuania can be considered as winners, whereas the other countries failed to use the potentials of membership to the full. The results also suggest that focusing on agri-food products with a high added value proved a good development strategy for the sector. Countries that concentrated on producing agri-food raw materials lagged behind.