940 resultados para Drug control
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" November 1988."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"B-281160"--P. 1.
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"B-271363"--P. 1.
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This dissertation examined how United States illicit drug control policy, often commonly referred to as the "war on drugs," contributes to the reproduction of gendered and racialized social relations. Specifically, it analyzed the identity producing practices of United States illicit drug control policy as it relates to the construction of U.S. identities. ^ Drawing on the theoretical contributions of feminist postpositivists, three cases of illicit drug policy practice were discussed. In the first case, discourse analysis was employed to examine recent debates (1986-2005) in U.S. Congressional Hearings about the proper understanding of the illicit drug "threat." The analysis showed how competing policy positions are tied to differing understandings of proper masculinity and the role of policymakers as protectors of the national interest. Utilizing critical visual methodologies, the second case examined a public service media campaign circulated by the Office of National Drug Control Policy that tied the "war on drugs" with another security concern in the U.S., the "war on terror." This case demonstrated how the media campaign uses messages about race, masculinity, and femininity to produce privileged notions of state identity and proper citizenship. The third case examined the gendered politics of drug interdiction at the U.S. border. Using qualitative research methodologies including semi-structured interviews and participant observation, it examined how gender is produced through drug interdiction at border sites like Miami International Airport. By paying attention to the discourse that circulates about women drug couriers, it showed how gender is normalized in a national security setting. ^ What this dissertation found is that illicit drug control policy takes the form it does because of the politics of gender and racial identity and that, as a result, illicit drug policy is implicated in the reproduction of gender and racial inequities. It concluded that a more socially conscious and successful illicit drug policy requires an awareness of the gendered and racialized assumptions that inform and shape policy practices.^
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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.
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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.
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The United Nations Office of Drug Control (UNODC) published ‘International Standards on Drug Use Prevention’ in 2013. The Standards were developed through a systematic assessment of the international evidence on prevention and they provide a summary of the available scientific evidence. The briefing provides a summary of the UNODC prevention standards and gives corresponding examples of relevant UK guidelines,programmes and interventions currently available in England. Its aim is to help people who commission, develop and implement prevention strategies and interventions to translate the standards into the English operating landscape. It also aims to support local authority commissioners to develop their prevention strategies and implement them in line with evidence.
Kriminaalipolitiikan paradoksi : Tutkimuksia huumausainerikollisuudesta ja sen kontrollista Suomessa
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This doctoral thesis explores the development of drug markets and drug related crime in Finland since the mid 1990s, as well as public control measures aimed at solving problems related to drug crime. The research further examines the criminal career of persons having committed drug crime, as well as their socio-economic background. The period since the mid 1990s is, on the one hand, characterized by increasing use of drugs and increasingly severe drug problems. On the other hand, this period is also characterized by intensified drug control. Also criminality associated with drugs has increased and become more severe. During this period the prevention of drug problems became a focal issue for authorities, and resources were increased for activities geared towards fighting drugs. Along with this development, Finnish drug policy has been balancing between therapeutic activities and control. A focal point in this thesis is the question how society addresses drug problems, as well as how this differs from efforts to solve other problems. Why are criminal means so readily used when dealing with drug problems; why have the police received an extended mandate to use coercive force; and why has the field for imposing administrative sanctions been extended? How has the extension of drug control affected general thinking in criminal policy? The subject matter in this thesis is approached in a criminological and criminal policy perspective. The thesis is made up of four research articles and a Summary Article. In the Summary Article the studies were placed into the Finnish research context of drug criminality and drug control as well as criminal policy. Furthermore, the author has assessed his own research location as a drug control researcher. Applying the notion of risk, an analysis was made of threats posed by drugs to society. Theoretical perspectives were also brought to the fore on how society may regulate drug problems and threats associated with them. Based on research literature and administrative documents, an analysis was made of the relation between drug related social and health policy and criminal justice control. An account was also made of the development of drug control in Finland since the mid 1990s. There has been a strong increase in control by the criminal justice system since the mid 1990s. Penalties have been made more stringent, more efficient means have been developed to trace the financial gain from the offence, opportunities for money laundering have been prevented and the police has obtained ample new powers of inquiry. New administrative measures have been directed towards drug users, such as introducing drug tests in working life, checking the applicants criminal record for certain jobs, as well as the threat of losing one s driving licence in cases where a physician has established drug addiction. In the 1990s the prevention of drug crimes and their disclosure were made part of the police s control activities nationwide. This could clearly be seen in increased criminal statistics. There are humiliating elements associated with the police s drug control that should be eliminated for the benefit of everybody. Furthermore, the criminal control is directed towards persons in a weak socio-economic position. A drug verdict may set off a marginalization process that may be very difficult to halt. Drug control is selective and generates repressive practises. The special status accorded drug problems is also revealed in the way in which the treatment of drug addicts has developed.
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Background: Antiretroviral Therapy (ART) is currently the major therapeutic intervention in the treatment of AIDS. ART, however, is severely limited due to poor availability, high cytotoxicity, and enhanced metabolism and clearance of the drug molecules by the renal system. The use of nanocarriers encapsulating the antiretroviral drugs may provide a solution to the aforementioned problems. Importantly, the application of mildly immunogenic polymeric carrier confers the advantage of making the nanoparticles more visible to the immune system leading to their efficient uptake by the phagocytes. Methods: The saquinavir-loaded chitosan nanopartides were characterized by transmission electron microscopy and differential scanning calorimetry and analyzed for the encapsulation efficiency, swelling characteristics, particle size properties, and the zeta potential. Furthermore, cellular uptake of the chitosan nanocarriers was evaluated using confocal microscopy and Flow cytometry. The antiviral efficacy was quantified using viral infection of the target cells. Results: Using novel chitosan carriers loaded with saquinavir, a protease inhibitor, we demonstrate a drug encapsulation efficiency of 75% and cell targeting efficiency greater than 92%. As compared to the soluble drug control, the saquinavir-loaded chitosan carriers caused superior control of the viral proliferation as measured by using two different viral strains, NL4-3 and Indie-C1, and two different target T-cells, Jurkat and CEM-CCR5. Conclusion: Chitosan nanoparticles loaded with saquinavir were characterized and they demonstrated superior drug loading potential with greater cell targeting efficiency leading to efficient control of the viral proliferation in target T-cells. General significance: Our data ascertain the potential of chitosan nanocarriers as novel vehicles for HIV-1 therapeutics. (C) 2013 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Background: The prevalence and severity of obesity and associated co-morbidities are rapidly increasing across the world. Natural products-based drug intervention has been proposed as one of the crucial strategies for management of obesity ailments. This study was designed to investigate the anti-obesity activities of ethanolic extract of Terminalia paniculata bark (TPEE) on high fat diet-induced obese rats. Methods: LC-MS/MS analysis was done for ethanolic extract of T. paniculata bark. Male Sprague-Dawley (SD) rats were randomly divided into six groups of six each, normal diet fed (NC), high fat diet-fed (HFD), HFD+ orlistat (standard drug control) administered, and remaining three groups were fed with HFD + TPEE in different doses (100,150 and 200 mg/kg b. wt). For induction of obesity rats were initially fed with HFD for 9 weeks, then, (TPEE) was supplemented along with HFD for 42 days. Changes in body weight, body composition, blood glucose, insulin, tissue and serum lipid profiles, atherogenic index, liver markers, and expression of adipogenesis-related genes such as leptin, adiponectin, FAS, PPARgamma, AMPK-1alpha and SREBP-1c, were studied in experimental rats. Also, histopathological examination of adipose tissue was carried out. Results: Supplementation of TPEE reduced significantly (P < 0.05) body weight, total fat, fat percentage, atherogenic index, blood glucose, insulin, lipid profiles and liver markers in HFD-fed groups, in a dose-dependent manner. The expression of adipogenesis-related genes such as Leptin, FAS, PPARgamma, and SREBP-1c were down regulated while Adiponectin and AMPK-1alpha were up regulated in TPEE + HFD-fed rats. Furthermore, histopathological examination of adipose tissue revealed the alleviating effect of TPEE which is evident by reduced size of adipocytes. Conclusions: Together, the biochemical, histological and molecular studies unambiguously demonstrate the potential anti adipogenic and anti obesity activities of TPEE promoting it as a formidable candidate to develop anti obesity drug.
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The overall focus of the thesis involves the legal protection for consumers of pharmaceutical products.The work on “Legal Protection for Consumers of Pharmaceutical Products” is undertaken to study the legal framework that is existing for this purpose and the functioning of regulating mechanism that is envisaged under it. The purpose of the study is to analyse how far these measures are effective in adequately protecting various aspects of consumer interest. Methodology adopted for the study is analytical.The present study revealed that the theory of freedom of contract is only an ideal relevant when the parties are assumed to be on equal footing.In a more complicated social and economic society, it ceased to have any relevance. Many countries in the world enacted legislations to protect the consumers of pharmaceutical products.The meaning of ‘consumers of drugs’ provided in the law is inclusive and not exhaustive one. The definition of ‘drug’ as interpreted by the courts is comprehensive enough to take in it not only medicines but also substances. The meaning of the word substances has been widened by the interpretation of the courts so as to include all the things used in treatment.The definition of the word ‘consumer’ has been liberally interpreted by the courts so as to provide protective net to a large section of the public.The studies subsequent to this report also revealed that there is a shortage of essential drugs necessary to cure local diseases like tuberculosis and malaria where as drugs containing vitamins and other combinations which are more profitable for the manufacturers are produced and marketed in abundance.The study of the provisions in this regard revealed that the duty of the drug controlling authorities is confined to scrutinize the data of the clinical test already conducted by the sponsor of the drug.Study of the clinical trial procedure under the U.S. law revealed that there is a continuous supervision over clinical trials and controls are provided on the treatment use of an investigational productStudy of the clinical trial procedure under the U.S. law revealed that there is a continuous supervision over clinical trials and controls are provided on the treatment use of an investigational product.the study of the provisions of the Drugs and Cosmetics Act and the rules framed under it revealed that the law in this regard is comprehensive to protect the consumer provided it is sufficiently supported by adequately equipped enforcement machinery.
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El tema del narcotráfico ha sido ampliamente tratado, así como el caso de las drogas en Colombia, pero la afectación de dicho problema no ha sido analizada desde la República Dominicana y mucho menos desde la relación bilateral entre esta y Colombia. Aunque el tema es de gran relevancia en la agenda internacional, así como en la agenda interna de cada uno de estos Estados, no es el tema principal en la relación bilateral, donde los asuntos comerciales tienen mayor importancia, aún cuando hay ciertos mecanismos que buscan eliminar el tráfico ilegal de estupefacientes. En esta investigación, se busca dar un diagnóstico de las relaciones bilaterales y de aquellos instrumentos existentes, específicamente aquellos implementados desde la acogida internacional del término responsabilidad compartida en el año 1998 hasta el año 2010, para determinar la efectividad de los mismos y de aquellos factores que no son precisamente resultantes de las relaciones bilaterales pero que sí afectan de una u otra manera el tráfico de drogas ilegales entre estos dos países. Así, se buscará encontrar las debilidades, en los instrumentos bilaterales entre Colombia y República Dominicana y hacer recomendaciones para hacerlos más efectivos.
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The implementation of anti-drug policies that focus on illicit crops in the Andean countries faces many significant obstacles, one of which is the cultural clash it generates between the main stakeholders. On the one hand one finds the governments and agencies that attempt to implement crop substitution and eradication policies and on the other the peasant and natives communities that have traditionally grown and used coca or those peasants who have found in coca an instrument of power and political leverage that they never had before. The confrontation about coca eradication, alternative development and other anti-drug policies in coca growing areas transcends drug related issues and is part of a wider and deeper confrontation that reflects the long-term unsolved conflicts of the Andean societies. All Andean countries have stratified and fragmented societies in which peasants and Indians have been excluded from power. In Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru most peasants belong to native communities many of which have remained segregated from “white” society. The mixing of the races (mestizaje) in Colombia occurred early during the Conquest and Colony. Those of Indian descent became subservient to the Spanish and Creoles. The society that evolved was (and still is) highly hierarchical, authoritarian, and has subjacent racist values. The resulting political system has been exclusionary of large portions of the population. Among Indian communities coca has been used for millennia and its use has become an identity symbol of their resistance against what may be looked at as foreign invasion. “The Andean Indian chews coca because that way he affirms his identity as son and owner of the land that yesterday the Spaniard took away and today the landowner keeps away from him. To chew coca is to be Indian...and to quietly and obstinately challenge the contemporary lords that descend from the old encomenderos and the older conquistadors” (Vidart, 1991: 61, author’s translation). In Andean literature on illegal drugs as well as in seminars, colloquia and other meetings where drug policies are debated, complaints are frequently expressed about the treatment of coca in the same category as cocaine, heroin, morphine amphetamines and other “hard” drugs. The complainants assert that “coca is not cocaine” and that it is unfair to classify coca, a nature given plant which has been used for millennia in the Andes without significant negative effects on users, in the same category as man made psychotropic drugs. They also argue that coca has manifold social and religious meanings in indigenous cultures, that coca is sacred and that the requirement of the1961 Single Convention demanding that Bolivia and Peru completely eradicate coca within 25 years is limiting Indigenous communities in their freedom to practice their religions. In most debates about drug interdiction, the views of those who oppose that approach are not accepted as legitimate. Indeed, “prohibitionists” demonize drugs and those who oppose drug policies in Latin America frequently demonize the United States as the imperialist power that imposes them. This dual polarization is a main obstacle to establish a meaningful policy debate aimed at broadening the policy consensus necessary for successful policy implementation. This essay surveys the status of coca in the United Nations Conventions, explains why it is confusing, and how a few changes would eliminate some of the sources of conflict and help organize and control licit coca markets in the Andes. The current disorganized and weakly controlled legal coca market in Peru has been analyzed to demonstrate its deficiencies and to illustrate possible improvements in international drug control policies.
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El tema de las drogas suscita un debate entre quienes defienden la prohibición y la represión, y aquellos que defienden alternativas como la legalización y/o regulación y otras más moderadas como la descriminalización y la despenalización. Aunque ambas posturas muestran datos empíricos que las soportan, desde el ámbito discursivo la visión represiva se ha posicionado como la más aceptada en el continente americano, más específicamente, en Latinoamérica. El presente trabajo, hace un estudio de caso del proceso de securitización del narcotráfico entre los presidentes de Estados Unidos y Colombia durante el período 1986-1990. A lo largo del texto, se analizan discursos oficiales de los presidentes de ambos Estados, resaltando las estrategias retóricas y sus transformaciones que legitimaron acciones represivas de tipo político-militar contra las drogas. Al final se apunta a reivindicar el discurso como un instrumento para reproducir creencias sobre fenómenos, en este caso, la creencia de que las drogas son una amenaza existencial a la seguridad política y militar para los Estados.