Psychological distress among family carers of oesophageal cancer survivors the role of illness cognitions and coping

Objective: The research aimed to determine the extent to which illness cognitions and coping explain psychological distress (fear of cancer recurrence, anxiety and depression symptoms) among family carers of survivors of oesophageal cancer.


Methods: Carers of patients registered with the Oesophageal Patients' Association in the UK were mailed a questionnaire booklet containing questions about medical and demographic variables, the Illness Perception Questionnaire-Revised, the Cancer Coping Questionnaire, the Concerns about Recurrence Scale and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale.


Results: Complete responses were received from 382 family carers (75% male; mean (SD) age=62 (10.91) years). Regression models indicated that the variables measured could explain between 35 and 49% of the variance in psychological distress among carers. Illness cognitions (particularly perceptions of the cause of, consequences of and personal control over oesophageal cancer and the carer's understanding of the condition) explained the majority of this variance. Positive focus coping strategies were also found to be important in explaining psychological distress.


Conclusion: The results of this study are consistent with previous research demonstrating that illness cognitions are significant correlates of adaptive outcomes, thereby suggesting that cognition-based interventions could potentially be effective in minimizing emotional distress among family carers of oesophageal cancer survivors.

Defining the role of common variation in the genomic and biological architecture of adult human height

Using genome-wide data from 253,288 individuals, we identified 697 variants at genome-wide significance that together explained one-fifth of the heritability for adult height. By testing different numbers of variants in independent studies, we show that the most strongly associated 1/42,000, 1/43,700 and 1/49,500 SNPs explained 1/421%, 1/424% and 1/429% of phenotypic variance. Furthermore, all common variants together captured 60% of heritability. The 697 variants clustered in 423 loci were enriched for genes, pathways and tissue types known to be involved in growth and together implicated genes and pathways not highlighted in earlier efforts, such as signaling by fibroblast growth factors, WNT/I 2-catenin and chondroitin sulfate-related genes. We identified several genes and pathways not previously connected with human skeletal growth, including mTOR, osteoglycin and binding of hyaluronic acid. Our results indicate a genetic architecture for human height that is characterized by a very large but finite number (thousands) of causal variants.

Quevedo Family Oral History

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2013

Bowslaugh Family fonds, 1860-1861, 1868, 1876-1877, 1880-1882, 1886-1890, 1892-1893, 1895, 1898-1899, n.d.

Edward W. Bowslaugh (1843-1923) was the son of Jacob and Anna (Beamer) Bowslaugh. Edward Bowslaugh married Mary Southward, and the couple had six children, Edgar Morley, Edward Freeman, twins Alfred Malcolm and Alice Mary, Annie Olivia, John Jacob and Mabel Florence. Edward W. Bowslaugh was a farmer, contractor and owner of the Grimsby Planing Mills in Grimsby, Ont. and Bowslaugh’s Planing Mill in Kingsville, Ont. The mills manufactured door and sash trim and other wood related products. Some customers contracted the firm to provide wood products for cottages being built at Grimsby Park, the Methodist camp ground. Some time before 1885 Edward Bowslaugh and his family moved to Kingsville, Ont. to open up a new planing mill and door and sash manufactory. He later sold the Grimsby Planing Mills to Daniel Marsh. The diaries and account books include many names of workers as well as friends and family members residing in the Grimsby and Kingsville areas. James M. Bowslaugh (1841-1882) was the son of Jacob and Anna (Beamer) Bowslaugh. James married first Anna Catharine Merritt and after her death in 1875 he married Mary Gee in 1877. James and Anna had three children, Eliza, James Herbert, George Hiram, all died very young. James and Mary Gee had one son, Charles Leopold Kenneth Frederich Bowslaugh, b. 1881. James Bowslaugh was a farmer and lumberman, much like his younger brother Edward. James’ early diaries often note the activities of himself and his brother Edward. Both Edward and James were heavily involved in the Methodist church, teaching or leading Sunday school and attending prayer meetings. Alfred M. Bowslaugh b. 1873 was the son of Edward W. Bowslaugh and his wife Mary Southward. The school notebook is from his days as a student in Kingsville, Ont.

Daniel Shannon fonds, 1816-1822

Lt. Daniel Shannon fl. 1777-1822, was the only son of Susan Drake, granddaughter of Rev. Thomas Drake, eldest brother of Sir Francis Drake, and Captain Daniel Shannon of the Royal Navy. He married Elizabeth Garvey, daughter of Alexander Garvey and Catharine Borden of New Jersey. Lt. Shannon was a Regular in the British Army and on February 12, 1777 he joined the Royal Standard, 5th New Jersey Volunteers. After being arrested and sentenced to hang for spying he was pardoned through the efforts of his mother Susan Drake Shannon who pleaded his case with the Governor. He served under General Cornwallis at the surrender in Virginia in 1781. In 1783 he moved to New Brunswick, Canada where he was reduced to a half-pay ensign in the 2nd Regiment of the Lincoln Militia. He was granted 500 acres of land on the St. Johns River, and on April 1, 1786 his daughter Catharine was born there. The family returned to the United States, residing in Pennsylvania, for a short time. In 1800 Lt. Shannon, with his mother and family, returned to Canada and settled in Stamford Township where he bought 200 acres of land on the Niagara River near the whirlpool. He later served in the Secret Service during the War of 1812 and was stationed at a lookout point on the Niagara River below the falls. In 1806 Shannon’s daughter, Catharine, married Thomas Lundy, fourth son of William Lundy of Stamford Township.

Clendenan-Thompson family fonds

Daniel Clendenan (1793-1866) was the son of Abraham Clendenan, a private in Butler’s Rangers. He was married to Susan[na] [Albrecht ] Albright, daughter of Amos Albright. Daniel and Susan[na] had twelve children and belonged to the Disciple Church. In 1826 Daniel Clendenan purchased Part lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township from Robert Roberts Loring. On this property he built a home and conducted the business of blacksmithing and along with William Jones operated a lumber mill. Volume 1 and the first part of Volume 2 are Daniel Clendenan’s account books. Daniel and his wife Susan are buried in the Vineland Mennonite cemetery. Daniel and Susan[na]’s youngest daughter, Sarah, married widower Andrew Thompson (1825-1901), son of Charles and grandson of Solomon. Andrew Thompson had settled in the Wainfleet area in 1854 and had owned a mill in Wellandport. Daniel Clendenan, in ill health, passed ownership of Lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township to his son-in-law Andrew Thompson. Robert Roberts Loring, the original owner of lot 14, concession 6 in Louth was born in September of 1789 in England. He joined the 49th Regiment of Foot as an ensign in December of 1804 and arrived in Quebec the following July. He served with Isaac Brock and Roger Sheaffe. In 1806 he was promoted to lieutenant. Loring was hired by Lieutenant General Gordon Drummond and accompanied him to Ireland in 1811, but the outbreak of war in the States in 1812 drew Loring back to Canada. On June 26, 1812 Loring became a captain in the 104th Regiment of Foot. On October 29 of the same year, he was appointed aide-de-camp to Sheaffe who was the administrator of Upper Canada. During the American attack on York in April 1813, Loring suffered an injury to his right arm from which he never recovered. In December of 1813, Drummond assumed command of the forces in Upper Canada and he appointed Loring as his aide-de-camp, later civil secretary and eventually his personal secretary. Loring was with Drummond in 1813 at the capture of Fort Niagara (near Youngstown), N.Y. He was also with Drummond in the attacks on Fort Niagara, settlements along the American side of the Niagara River, and then York and Kingston. In July of 1814 he was promoted to brevet major, however he was captured at the Battle of Lundy’s Lane and he spent the remainder of the conflict in Cheshire, Massachusetts. One of his fellow captives was William Hamilton Merritt. Loring remained in the army and had numerous military posts in Canada and England. He retired in 1839 and lived the last of his years in Toronto. He died on April 1, 1848. Sources: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/loring_robert_roberts_7E.html and “Loring, Robert Roberts” by Robert Malcomson in The Encyclopedia Of the War Of 1812 edited by Spencer Tucker, James R. Arnold, Roberta Wiener, Paul G. Pierpaoli, John C. Fredriksen

Laver la patrie de la tache de l’ignorance L’État, les mineurs et les enfants de l’Équateur (1760-1845)

La métaphore de la famille a été utilisée, aussi bien à l’époque coloniale qu’à l’époque républicaine, pour illustrer le système politique idéal, la domination d’un groupe privilégié, les parents, sur une population obéissante, les enfants. Cette thèse survole les multiples facettes de la minorité en Équateur à l’époque coloniale et au début de l’époque républicaine (1760-1845), en se penchant sur les stratégies mises en place par l’État pour reléguer à un rang subalterne des individus n’appartenant pas à la catégorie raciale blanche métisse, c’est-à-dire les Indiens, les Noirs, les sang-mêlés, à travers un discours infantilisant. Elle s’intéresse aussi à la résistance d’individus refusant de se percevoir comme des mineurs et qui n’acceptaient pas l’ordre établi, les lois ou les décisions gouvernementales. En se présentant comme des parents compétents et en réclamant la patria potestad, l’autorité légale sur leurs enfants, des adultes considérés comme des enfants métaphoriques dans la grande famille patriarcale, par exemple des femmes, des pères indiens ou même des esclaves d’origine africaine, ont revendiqué plus d’autonomie pour eux, pour leurs familles, ou pour leurs communautés. Les guerres d’indépendance ont donné naissance à une république, la Grande-Colombie, et plus tard à un pays, l’Équateur. La figure symbolique du « parent » n’était plus incarnée par le roi d’Espagne et son appareil bureaucratique. Le système politique avait maintenant plusieurs « pères », membres d’un groupe restreint de Créoles qui, hier encore, se plaignaient d’être infantilisés par les Espagnols tyranniques. Les gens du peuple, en grande partie composé d’Indiens, étaient toujours considérés comme des « enfants » dans la nouvelle république. Comment expliquer que, dans une Nation désormais libre, des pans entiers de la population demeurent sous la tutelle d’hommes blancs? Une justification sera utilisée à répétition pour expliquer ce phénomène : l’ignorance du peuple et le besoin d’encadrement temporaire de celui-ci. Ainsi, s’est construit sur plus d’un siècle un véritable « mythe », celui d’une Nation en émergence où tous les citoyens seraient enfin placés sur un pied d’égalité, d’une Nation propre qu’on aurait nettoyée à l’aide d’écoles et de campagnes d’éducation populaire d’une tache tenace : celle de la Barbarie.

Essai de détection de processus migratoires à travers les isotopes de strontium et d’oxygène : étude des restes humains du cimetière Saint-Matthew (Québec, 1771-1860)

Afin de distinguer les immigrants de première génération des individus nés à Québec et de discuter de l’identité des immigrants de cette ville aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles, trente-quatre squelettes humains exhumés du cimetière protestant Saint-Matthew (Québec, 1771-1860) ont fait l’objet d’analyses ostéologiques et isotopiques du strontium (87Sr/86Sr) et de l’oxygène (δ18O). Les teneurs obtenues, bien que moins précises que les données historiques, ont permis de distinguer trois groupes d’origine, soit les individus nés à Québec (N = 12), les immigrants de première génération provenant le plus probablement des îles Britanniques et du nord de la France (N = 19) et les immigrants de première génération dont l’origine ne peut être précisée (N = 3). De plus, l’origine écossaise de certains individus a pu être suggérée en fonction de compositions isotopiques variant entre -10,0 et -9,09 % vs VSMOW. La comparaison des groupes d’origine à des données provenant de sources historiques et d’une étude antérieure a permis de dresser un portrait de l’identité des immigrants, à la fois sur les plans populationnel et individuel. De plus, les compositions isotopiques (δ18O, 87Sr/86Sr, δ13C et δ15N) nous laissent croire qu’au moins un individu pourrait être d’origine amérindienne et qu’un autre proviendrait d’une partie de l’Europe plus appauvrie en 18O (possiblement un pays scandinave ou une région alpine). La distribution spatiale des sépultures nous a également permis d’émettre des hypothèses sur les liens familiaux et sociaux d’immigrants inhumés en caveaux ou entassés de façon particulièrement modeste.

La confrérie des Dames de la Sainte-Famille de la paroisse Notre-Dame de Montréal (1724-1760) : un lieu élitaire au féminin ?

Les historiens ont eu tendance à effacer les femmes de leurs écrits lorsqu’il était question des élites de la Nouvelle-France ; ce concept a longtemps été associé au monde masculin. Le choix d’exclure la gent féminine n’est pas surprenant lorsque l’on sait que les définitions rattachées à l’élite proviennent principalement de la profession, ainsi que de la place occupée par les gens dans les institutions ou dans les structures de pouvoir. À cette époque, la majorité des femmes n’occupaient aucune fonction décisionnelle ; elles étaient maintenues, ‘’grâce’’ au patriarcat, dans la sphère domestique. Malgré ces constats, ce mémoire s’intéresse tout de même à la pertinence d’une définition de l’élite au féminin. Nous essayons donc de démontrer que les femmes en Nouvelle-France avaient aussi des lieux de rassemblement élitaire. Pour y parvenir, nous étudions le parcours des principales officières de la confrérie des Dames de la Sainte-Famille (Montréal) entre 1724 et 1760. Afin de connaître leur statut socio-économique, ce mémoire s’emploie à relever divers éléments caractéristiques : statut socio-professionnel de leur père et de leurs maris, les montants des douaires et des préciputs dans leurs contrats de mariage, l’âge au premier mariage, le nombre de naissances ainsi que la mortalité infantile. Ces divers indicateurs révèlent que la majorité de ces dames provenaient effectivement d’un milieu élitaire. Pour consolider cette conclusion, ce mémoire analyse ensuite le comportement de ces femmes en lien avec une des caractéristiques propres aux élites soit le réseautage. Il s’intéresse particulièrement à la pratique du marrainage ; qui sont les parrains et marraines des officières, qui sont les marraines de leurs enfants et de qui elles sont les marraines. Cette dernière partie du mémoire vient à son tour confirmer la dimension élitaire des officières de la Sainte-Famille.

Factores asociados a que usuarias de un hospital público, no soliciten los resultados de citologia cervical

El cáncer de cuello uterino y su mortalidad en Colombia ha permanecido constantes pese a los esfuerzos institucionales, distritales y nacionales que han buscado fortalecer los programas de prevención; sin embargo las estrategias actuales hacen énfasis en la toma de citología y no en la solicitud oportuna del resultado y el tratamiento de la usuaria en caso de anormalidad. METODOLOGIA: Se realizó un estudio en dos fases, un análisis descriptivo se analizaron 12875 y una segunda que involucro 257 pacientes en un análisis de casos y controles de una muestra aleatoria. RESULTADOS: Se utiliza para análisis bivariado la prueba de Chi cuadrado y regresión logística que muestran diferencias significativas en los siguientes variables: la explicación sobre la importancia del examen (p= 0.0060), importancia de la solicitud de resultado (p= 0.003), explicación sobre cuando reclamarlo (p=0.030), distancia entre residencia y centro de salud (p=0.065) DISCUSIÓN: En nuestro estudio se identificó que los factores como el acceso de la paciente al centro de salud, el tiempo del cual dispone para solicitar el resultado, si el dinero con el que cuenta la paciente para desplazarse al hospital, si es la primera vez que se realiza la citología, si le explicaron la importancia de reclamar el resultado y en que lapso de tiempo debía hacerlo, la información que tiene acerca de la importancia de realizarse la citología contribuyen en el hecho de que una paciente de esta población de un hospital público reclame o no su resultado de su citología

The role of biotic and abiotic factors in evolution of ant dispersal in the milkwort family (Polygalaceae)

A phylogenetic approach was taken to investigate the evolutionary history of seed appendages in the plant family Polygalaceae (Fabales) and determine which factors might be associated with evolution of elaiosomes through comparisons to abiotic (climate) and biotic (ant species number and abundance) timelines. Molecular datasets from three plastid regions representing 160 species were used to reconstruct a phylogenetic tree of the order Fabales, focusing on Polygalaceae. Bayesian dating methods were used to estimate the age of the appearance of ant-dispersed elaiosomes in Polygalaceae, shown by likelihood optimizations to have a single origin in the family. Topology-based tests indicated a diversification rate shift associated with appearance of caruncular elaiosomes. We show that evolution of the caruncular elaiosome type currently associated with ant dispersal occurred 54.0-50.5 million year ago. This is long after an estimated increase in ant lineages in the Late Cretaceous based on molecular studies, but broadly concomitant with increasing global temperatures culminating in the Late Paleocene-Early Eocene thermal maxima. These results suggest that although most major ant clades were present when elaiosomes appeared, the environmental significance of elaiosomes may have been an important factor in success of elaiosome-bearing lineages. Ecological abundance of ants is perhaps more important than lineage numbers in determining significance of ant dispersal. Thus, our observation that elaiosomes predate increased ecological abundance of ants inferred from amber deposits could be indicative of an initial abiotic environmental function.

Guanine specific binding at a DNA junction formed by d[CG(5-BrU)ACG]2 with a topoisomerase poison in the presence of Co2+Ions†,‡

The structure of the duplex d[CG(5-BrU)ACG]2 bound to 9-bromophenazine-4-carboxamide has been solved through MAD phasing at 2.0 Å resolution. It shows an unexpected and previously unreported intercalation cavity stabilized by the drug and novel binding modes of Co2+ ions at certain guanine N7 sites. For the intercalation cavity the terminal cytosine is rotated to pair with the guanine of a symmetry-related duplex to create a pseudo-Holliday junction geometry, with two such cavities linked through the minor groove interactions of the N2/N3 guanine sites at an angle of 40°, creating a quadruplex-like structure. The mode of binding of the drug is shown to be disordered, with the major conformations showing the side chain bound to the N7 position of adjacent guanines. The other end of the duplex exhibits a terminal base fraying in the presence of Co2+ ions linking symmetry-related guanines, causing the helices to intertwine through the minor groove. The stabilization of the structure by the intercalating drug shows that this class of compound may bind to DNA junctions as well as duplex DNA or to strand-nicked DNA (‘hemi-intercalated'), as in the cleavable complex. This suggests a structural basis for the dual poisoning of topoisomerase I and II enzymes by this family of drugs.