959 resultados para Democracia - Brasil
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Os professores Francisco Fonseca, Maria Rita Loureiro e Eduardo Diniz conversam com a jornalista Anne Dias sobre transparência
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EBAPE - Escola Brasileira de Administração Pública e de Empresas
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According to the Public National Security Plan, the security is "[ ] a right by democratic excellence legitimately desired by all sectors of society, which is the fundamental right of citizenship, obligation of the constitutional state and responsibility of each one of us." The 1988 Constitution recognized the rights of life, liberty and personal integrity, considered torture and racial discrimination as crimes. The prime directive of the National Security and Citizenship (Law No. 11,707 of June 19, 2008 - PRONASCI-Brazil) expresses the commitment of the Brazilian state with the promotion of human rights. But despite this formal recognition, official violence continues to be used as a means of maintaining social order, consolidating a police action violating human rights (Amnesty International report "They go in shooting" - AI Index: AMR 19/025/2005) . This thesis analyzes the police work combined with the extension of citizenship rights, the spaces of freedom and democracy as a measure for the degree of affirmation or denial of the Human Rights in Brazil, and proposes the construction of a human friendly Police Force (Post - Colonial, Post-Abyss, Intercultural and Democratic)
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O artigo examina as interpretações da ciência política norte-americana sobre a natureza do federalismo brasileiro, tomando como base as orientações teórico-metodológicas da análise comparada sobre federalismo.
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Dans cet article, on cherche la viabilité analytique du Jeu à Deux Niveaux - JDN pour examiner la situation brésilienne dans l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce - OMC. on cherche à voir, en même temps, si le perfectionnement des institutions démocratiques brésiliennes en ce qui concerne le processus de formulation de la politique extérieure sera capable d'améliorer la réponse aux demandes des groupes d'intérêt et d'élargir la compétence technique de la diplomatie brésilienne dans les négociations commerciales internationales. on cherche aussi à savoir si ce perfectionnement peut faire monter la crédibilité et la légitimité internationale des démarches brésiliennes au sein de l'OMC, dans le sens de tourner en leur faveur les régimes internationaux. Pour cela, on analyse le contentieux des brevets pharmaceutiques mené contre les États-Unis au sein de l'OMC.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Este artigo pretende discutir a noção de democracia presente no pensamento de Florestan Fernandes entre os anos de 1950 e 1960, buscando salientar as diversas gradações que ela adquire nesse período. Nesses anos, sua concepção de democracia transita entre uma possibilidade imanente à sociedade de classes, à necessidade de sua afirmação para a consolidação da ordem social competitiva e à negação da democracia em uma ordem burguesa. Na obra de Fernandes a questão da democracia aparece concatenada a outros temas que lhe foram caros e é compreendida como uma forma de organização social, ou seja, como um dos pilares da sociedade, e não somente como uma forma de organização política. Apresentando-se, no Brasil, como um dilema permeado por obstáculos, impasses e possibilidades.
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A análise que ora apresentamos busca compreender a particularidade da social democracia brasileira no momento por nós identificado como o processo de sua consolidação. Ao discutirmos as determinações desta particularidade, analisamos a forma pela qual a autocracia burguesa se reproduz no país, desdobrando-se historicamente em uma forma específica de bonapartismo. Assim, compreendemos o período de 1995 a 2006 como o momento histórico de consolidação do projeto social democrata no Brasil, onde a legalidade burguesa se consolida sob a hegemonia da fração financeira do capital, reproduzindo o colonial bonapartismo no país.
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This article conducted an analysis of Portal Brazil, specifically in the areas of “Education” and “Economy and Employment”, by according to the principles of e-engagement defined by the Organization for Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD). For understanding of this work, were elucidated concepts such as public communication - trajectory, principles and relations -, digital democracy, e-government and engagement and civic participation. Through this analysis was realized the importance of public communication in the processes of opinion formation and stimulus to citizen participation, as well as the performance of the internet as a facilitator instrument in the processes of relationship between State and Society
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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This paper analyzes the opinions of legislators members of parliamentaries elites of Legislative Assemblies of the States of São Paulo, Paraná and Santa Catarina on democracy. The opinions of legislators paulistas were collected using a questionnaire selfadministered and structured, while the opinions of legislators paranaenses and catarinenses were collected with the surveys “As elites administrativas, parlamentares e partidárias do Paraná, 1995-2006” and “Elites políticas e a democracia: os valores políticos dos parlamentares catarinenses da 16º Legislatura, 2007”. The results were: i) democracy is stable, ii) it is superior to any other type of regime, iii) is supported by some social policies and the use of voting and iv) democracy has support of various ideological currents.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process.