798 resultados para Critical analysis


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This article examines the text of Article 14 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 and the work of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. It considers the text of the article and its travaux préparatoires; it then provides an analysis of the issues considered by the Committee: the concept of the evolving capacities of the child, freedom of religious choice, freedom of manifestation, and education. It also highlights the problems that have emerged in the Committee’s work, in the light of a theoretical framework of the right of the child to religious freedom in international law. It concludes that the Committee fails children in relation to their religion and suggests some positive steps to be taken by the Committee.

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Policy in Child and Adolescent Mental Health (CAMH) in England has undergone radical changes in the last 15 years, with far reaching implications for funding models, access to services and service delivery. Using corpus analysis and critical discourse analysis, we explore how childhood, mental health, and CAMHS are constituted in 15 policy documents, 9 pre‐2010, and 6 post 2010. We trace how these constructions have changed over time, and consider the practice implications of these changes. We identify how children’s distress is individualised, through medicalising discourses and shifting understandings of the relationship between socioeconomic context and mental health. This is evidenced in a shift from seeing children’s mental health challenges as produced by social and economic inequities, to a view that children’s mental health must be addressed early to prevent future socio‐economic burden. We consider the implications CAMHS policies for the relationship between children, families, mental health services and the state. The paper concludes by exploring how concepts of ‘parity of esteem’ and ‘stigma reduction’ may inadvertently exacerbate the individualisation of children’s mental health.

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We will consider the architecture of the communication platform prototype, "World Cultures in English(es)" (WCE), in relation to the interaction among different types of media and audiences. Such an architecture has emphasized the need for an interdisciplinary team of scholars, librarians, and Information Technology experts who have conceived the prototype. This prototype was developed using PHP and MySQL, and is based on the University of Lisbon server. The "World Cultures in English(es)" is an Open Access platform bringing together different types of documents—written, audio, visual, multimedia, and electronic—and aims at educational, cultural, social, and economic inclusiveness, namely in terms of users with special needs. The WCE platform strongly implies social commitment through reliable information and forms of communication adequate to different kinds of audiences. The "World Cultures in English(es)" prototype will be tested by different audiences from different schools and universities, leading to the necessary adjustments.

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This thesis analyses how dominant policy approaches to peacebuilding have moved away from a single and universalised understanding of peace to be achieved through a top-down strategy of democratisation and economic liberalisation, prevalent at the beginning of 1990s. Instead, throughout the 2000s, peacebuilders have increasingly adopted a commitment to cultivating a bottom-up and hybrid peace building process that is context-sensitive and intended to be more respectful of the needs and values of post-war societies. The projects of statebuilding in Kosovo and, to a lesser extent, in Bosnia are examined to illustrate the shift. By capturing this shift, I seek to argue that contemporary practitioners of peace are sharing the sensibility of the theoretical critics of liberalism. These critics have long contended that post-war societies cannot be governed from ‘above’ and have advocated the adoption of a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding. Now, both peace practitioners and their critics share the tendency to embrace difference in peacebuilding operations, but this shift has failed to address meaningfully the problems and concerns of post-conflict societies. The conclusion of this research is that, drawing on the assumption that these societies are not capable of undertaking sovereign acts because of their problematic inter-subjective frames, the discourses of peacebuilding (in policy-making and academic critique) have increasingly legitimised an open-ended role of interference by external agencies, which now operate from ‘below’. Peacebuilding has turned into a long-term process, in which international and local actors engage relationally in the search for ever-more emancipatory hybrid outcomes, but in which self-government and self-determination are constantly deferred. Processes of emphasising difference have thus denied the political autonomy of post-war societies and have continuously questioned the political and human equality of these populations in a hierarchically divided world.

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This study critically analyzes the historical role and influence of multinational drug cotpOrations and multinational corporations in general; the u.s. government and the Canadian state in negotiating the global recognition ofIntellectual Property Rights (IPR) under GATT/NAFTA. This process began in 1969 when the Liberal government, in response to high prices for brand-name drugs amended the Patent Act to introduce compulsory licensing by reducing monopoly protection from 20 to seven years. Although the financial position ofthe multinational drug industry was not affected, it campaigned vigorously to change the 1969 legislation. In 1987, the Patent Act was amended to extend protection to 10 years as a condition for free trade talks with the u.s. Nonetheless, the drug industry was not satisfied and accused Canada of providing a bad example to other nations. Therefore, it continued to campaign for global recognition ofIPR laws under GATT. Following the conclusion of the GATTI Trade-Related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS) in 1991, the multinational drug industry and the American government, to the surprise of many, were still not satisfied and sought to implement harsher conditions under NAFTA. The Progressive Conservative government readily agreed without any objections or consideration for the social consequences. As a result, Bill C-91 was introduced. It abandoned compulsory licenses and was made retroactive from December 21, 1991. It is the contention of this thesis that the economic survival of multinational corporations on a global scale depends on the role and functions of the modem state. Similarly, the existence of the state depends on the ideological-political and socioeconomic assistance it gives to multinational corporations on a national and international scale. This dialectical relation of the state and multinational corporations is explored in our theoretical and historical analysis of their role in public policy.

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The purpose of this essay is to present a conceptual and critical analysis of the Implicit Leadership Theory (ILT). The objectives are: 1) explaining the main concepts of the ILT; 2) explaining the main processes of the ILT; 3) identifying constructivist assumptions in the ILT; 4) identifying constructionist assumptions in the ILT, and 5) analyzing critically theoretical assumptions of the ILT. At analyzing constructivism and constructionism assumptions in the ILP, the constructivist leadership and the constructionist leadership are described. At the end, a critical analysis of TLP ILT and conclusions are presented.

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Se estudia la inclusión de las tecnologías digitales en las escuelas, y cómo esta incorporación se convierte en un rasgo distintivo de las escuelas de todo el mundo. Para ello, se estructura en tres partes, en la primera de ellas se describen las posibilidades que las nuevas tecnologías ofrecen y la deficiente implementación real que tiene en las escuelas. La segunda parte se centra en el la relación existente entre la era digital y las políticas educativas desarrolladas especialmente en las escuelas. Por último, se estudia la reconstrucción y el replanteamiento que las escuelas deben llevar a cabo dentro de la era digital para lograr aprovechar al máximo las posibilidades que ofrece la alta tecnología digital.

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The computational approach to the Hirshfeld [Theor. Chim. Acta 44, 129 (1977)] atom in a molecule is critically investigated, and several difficulties are highlighted. It is shown that these difficulties are mitigated by an alternative, iterative version, of the Hirshfeld partitioning procedure. The iterative scheme ensures that the Hirshfeld definition represents a mathematically proper information entropy, allows the Hirshfeld approach to be used for charged molecules, eliminates arbitrariness in the choice of the promolecule, and increases the magnitudes of the charges. The resulting "Hirshfeld-I charges" correlate well with electrostatic potential derived atomic charges

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This paper discusses the validity of the Wechsler-Bellevue Intelligence test for hearing impaired adolescents and adults.

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The subject matter of the analysis conducted in the text is information and anti-terrorist security of Poland, which has been presented within the context of a clash between two spheres – the state and the private sphere. Furthermore, the issues of security have been supplemented with a description of the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency, as well as a synthetic appraisal of a terrorist threat to Poland. The main parts of this work are concerned with: (1) the state and the private sphere, (2) " terrorism " and terrorist offences, (3) the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency, (4) an appraisal of a terrorist threat to Poland. Given the necessity to elaborate the research problem, the text features the following research questions: (1) To what extent does referring to a threat to security influence a limitation on rights and freedoms in Poland (with regard to the clash between the state and the private sphere)?, (2) To what extent do the tasks and activity of the Internal Security Agency influence the effectiveness of anti-terrorist security in Poland?

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The thesis which follows, entitled ''The Postoccidental Deconstruction and Resignification of 'Modemity': A Critical Analysis", is an exposition and criticism of the critique of occidental modemity found in a group of writings which identify their critique with a "postoccidental" point of view with respect to postcolonial studies. The general problem ofthe investigation concems the significance and reach ofthis critique of modemity in relation to the ongoing debate, in Latín American studies, about the historical relationship between Latín America, as a mu1ticultural/ structurally heterogeneous region, and the industrial societies of Euro pe and North America. A brief Preface explains the genealogy of the author's ideas on this subject Following this preface, the thesis proceeds to analyze the writings in this corpus through an intertextual, schematic approach which singles out two rnajor elements of the postoccidental critique: "coloniality" and "eurocentrism". These two main elements are investigated in the Introduction and Chapters One and Two, in terms of how they distinguish postoccidental analysis from other theoretical tendencias with which it has affinities but whose key concepts it reformu1ates in ways that are key to the unique approach which postoccidental analysis takes to modemity, the nature of the capitalist world system, colonialism, subaltemization, center/periphery and development . Chapter Three attempts a critical analysis of the foregoing postoccidentalist deconstruction according to the following question: to what extent does it succeed in deconstructing "modernity" as a term which refers to a historically articulated set of discourses whose underlying purpose has been to justify European and North American hegemony and structural asymmetries vis-a-vis the peripheries of the capitalist world system, based on an ethnocentric, racialist logic of exploitation and subalternization of non-European peoples? A Conclusion follows Chapter Three.

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This paper examines the dynamics of the ongoing conflict in Prestea, Ghana, where indigenous galamsey mining groups are operating illegally on a concession awarded to Bogoso Gold Limited (BGL), property of the Canadian-listed multinational Gold Star Resources. Despite being issued firm orders by the authorities to abandon their activities, galamsey leaders maintain that they are working areas of the concession that are of little interest to the company; they further counter that there are few alternative sources of local employment, which is why they are mining in the first place. Whilst the Ghanaian Government is in the process of setting aside plots to relocate illegal mining parties and is developing alternative livelihood projects, efforts are far from encouraging: in addition to a series of overlooked logistical problems, the areas earmarked for relocation have not yet been prospected to ascertain gold content, and the alternative income-earning activities identified are inappropriate. As has been the case throughout mineral-rich sub-Saharan Africa, the conflict in Prestea has come about largely because the national mining sector reform program, which prioritizes the expansion of predominantly foreign-controlled large-scale projects, has neglected the concerns of indigenous subsistence groups.