189 resultados para Commentators
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Romanized.
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Includes index.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Added illustrated half title page: The works of Montaigne.
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Includes index.
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Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, even now, remains a deeply puzzling figure for scholars and commentators concerned with matters Indonesian, Western and Indonesian alike.
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The discovery of Neptune in September 1846 is a good example of scientific rationality but it has proven to be surprisingly difficult to explain how this is so from the perspective of Karl Popper, Thomas Kuhn and several other commentators who have been influenced by these thinkers. I try briefly to explain how to avoid these difficulties and understand the achievement of the astronomers who predicted the location of the new planet, Urbain J. J. Leverrier and John Couch Adams.
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It is often supposed that Confucianism is opposed to the idea of equality insofar as the key ideals to which it is committed, such as meritocracy and li , are incompatible with equality. Sympathetic commentators typically defend Confucianism by saying that (a) the Confucian person is not a free-standing individual but a social being embedded in a social structure with different and unequal roles, and (b) social inequality has to be traded in for other values. This paper argues that in advocating meritocracy, Confucianism does not abandon the idea of equality. Indeed, invoking Aristotle's account of equality in the Nicomachean Ethics , it can be argued that the unequal distribution of rights and benefits reflects one aspect of equality, namely the vertical aspect, or the unequal treatment of unequals.
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'Welfare dependency' has become a key term in policy debate in the United States and, more recently, Australia. In this article I explore the intellectual origins of the term, looking specifically at the writings of George Gilder and Charles Murray, two commentators whose (often polemically presented) ideas were influential within the Reagan Administration and have been at the forefront of a conservative renewal in welfare debate generally. Although others have subsequently refined some of their arguments and proposals, the authors' central claim that welfare causes dependency and thus unemployment and poverty - and that welfare reform therefore needs to focus on changing the behaviour of welfare recipients rather than providing employment opportunities - has had a lasting political impact, in Australia as much as in the US.
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Recent research in Australia and overseas has suggested that we are witnessing a convergence of men's and women's time on domestic labour activities. But there is disagreement about whether this is due to women reducing their time on housework or men increasing their time on housework. This article addresses these issues using national survey data collected in Australia in 1986, 1993 and 1997. The results show some changes in the proportional responsibilities of men and women in the home with men reporting a greater share of traditional indoor activities. But overall both men and women are spending less time on housework. In particular, women's time on housework has declined by six hours per week since 1986. Hence, while the gender gap between men's and women's involvement in the home is getting smaller, it is not the result of men increasing their share of the load, but is due to the large decline in women's time spent on domestic labour. There is also evidence of change in the relationship. between paid and unpaid work for women. Women's hours of,paid labour had a greater impact on their involvement in domestic labour in 1997 compared to a decade earlier. The article concludes that women's increased labour force involvement in combination with changing patterns and styles, of consumption is leading to some changes in the gender-division:of household labour, but not in the direction anticipated by earlier commentators on the domestic division of labour.
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In examining the horsemen on the Parthenon frieze, particularly those on the south side, several commentators have flirted more or less openly with the concept of a cavalry 'uniform', either for different tribes or for different festivals. Through an examination of relevant literature, small-scale art, and the Parthenon frieze itself, I argue that the idea is without strong foundation. literature, vases, and small-scale reliefs indicate that cavalry dress was not prescribed at either state or tribal level but was the responsibility of each cavalryman. Variety rather than uniformity was the natural result. Even when we sense that artists are depicting cavalrymen as types, there is considerable variation in the detail of their dress, and there are significant differences between the small-scale depictions and the Parthenon frieze. The south frieze of the Parthenon does indeed distinguish ranks or riders by employing distinctive dress, but the north frieze employs a different method, concentrating upon foregrounding and pose. One cannot theorize from the south frieze alone. The degree to which the frieze may be used a a documentary source is called into question.
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As formas de definir «corrupção e fraude» são infinitas, pelo que a aplicação do Direito penal constitucional pode ficar prejudicada. A comunicação e o comentário público e política são por vezes feitos em termos profundamente equivocados. Recentemente, em Portugal, destacados políticos e comentadores chegaram a apelar à «criminalização do enriquecimento ilícito», nem que fosse com o sacrifício da própria Constituição ou do Estado de Direito. É a democracia que passa a estar em perigo. Ao mesmo tempo que se defende com fanatismo quase teológico o sistema económico capitalista, procura-se consagrar na lei a sua destruição. Ou seja, há uma certa demagogia política que quer ter tudo ao mesmo tempo como se isso fosse possível. Perante isto, resta ao cidadão comum agir se for necessário sob as possibilidades das causas de justificação e fazendo uso do direito constitucional de resistência. ABSTRACT Ways to define «corruption and fraud» are endless, so the application of constitutional criminal law may be impaired. The communication and public comment and politics are sometimes done in terms profoundly mistaken. Recently, in Portugal, prominent politicians and commentators have come to call the «criminalization of illicit enrichment» (embezzlement) even if it was at the sacrifice of the Constitution or the rule of law. It is democracy that happens to be in danger. At the same time it defends itself with almost theological fanaticism the capitalist economic system, seeking to enshrine in law its destruction. That is, there is a certain political demagoguery that wants to have everything at the same time as if that were possible. Given this, it remains to ordinary act if necessary under the scope of defenses and making use of the constitutional right of resistance.
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“É fundamental o direito à expressão e informação, seja ou não seja por meio da comunicação social dirigida às massas. Muita gente morre por este direito ou pela falta dele.” E ainda dissemos a alto e bom som: “Bem hajam! Jornalistas, comentadores e cómicos com ética!” § "It's fundamental right to expression and information, whether or not either through the media directed to the masses. Many people die for this right or the lack thereof "And yet told loud and clear:". Well Let there be! Journalists, commentators and humorous with ethics!"
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Em Portugal, os programas de televisão feitos com adeptos notáveis de três grandes clubes de futebol correspondem a um formato com menos de uma década e meia de existência: apareceram primeiro na RTP2 e, logo a seguir, na SIC. Os canais generalistas rapidamente os adoptaram como conteúdos privilegiados para atrair audiência. Hoje constituem âncoras das grelhas dos três canais temáticos de informação, rivalizando entre si nos comentadores permanentes que conseguem fixar em estúdio. Apresentados por jornalistas, estes programas criam momentos de grande polémica e, com isso, marcam, de certa forma, a agenda do campo do futebol. Neste artigo, explicamos a génese destes formatos, traçamos o seu percurso na TV portuguesa e, através de entrevistas aos seus responsáveis editoriais, analisamos a estratégia que seguem na construção do alinhamento, discutimos a distância que mantêm dos clubes que comentam e perspectivamos formas de evolução deste tipo de conteúdos televisivos. Uma linha sobressai neste trabalho: quem participa nestes programas é uma elite de comentadores que se apresentam como adeptos do Futebol Clube do Porto, do Sporting e do Benfica, mas que mais não são do que uma confraria do comentário do futebol que semanalmente contribui para a construção de um espaço público cada vez mais rarefeito em torno daquilo que se discute no futebol.