Living with the Legacy of Conquest and Culture : Social Justice Leadership in Education and the Indigenous Peoples of Australia and America

Indigenous peoples have survived the most inhumane acts and violations against them. Despite acts of genocide, Aboriginal Australians and Native Americans have survived. The impact of the past 500 years cannot be separated from understandings of education for Native Americans in the same way that the impact of the past 220 years cannot be separated from the understandings of Australian Aboriginal people’s experiences of education. This chapter is about comparisons in Aboriginal and Native American communities and their collision with the dominant, white European settlers who came to Australia and America. Chomsky (Intervention in Vietnam and Central America: parallels and differences. In: Peck J (ed) The Chomsky Reader. Pantheon Books, New York, p 315, 1987) once remarked that if one took two historical events and compared them for similarities and differences, you would find both. The real test was whether on the similarities they were significant. The position of the coauthors of this chapter is in the affirmative and we take this occasion to lay them out for analysis and review. The chapter begins with a discussion of the historical legacy of oppression and colonization impacting upon Indigenous peoples in Australia and in the United States, followed by a discussion of the plight of Indigenous children in a specific State in America. Through the lens of social justice, we examine those issues and attitudes that continue to subjugate these same peoples in the economic and educational systems of both nations. The final part of the chapter identifies some implications for school leadership.

Reggae borderzones, reggae graveyards: Bob Marley fandom in Bali

The road from Bali’s international airport to the island’s most renowned tourist area, Kuta Beach, leads past a number of establishments claiming affiliation to reggae music and Rastafarianism in large, appropriately coloured billboards. A sign outside a tee shirt shop bears the words RASTA MANIA within a green, yellow and red border, and a stick figure caricaturing negritude, the logo of this clothing label. In the window display hangs a tee shirt, and upon it Bob Marley’s wizened face. His lips pinch a cone-shaped spliff, and he squints behind a veil of airbrushed smoke. A leanto sign on the sidewalk outside Apache Bar announce REGGAE BANDS NIGHTLY. This barn of coconut wood and thatch nestles behind Wendy’s Ice Cream Parlour and Chi Chi’s Mexican Bar. Its timber walls emulate a rustic, spaghetti Western aesthetic and are adorned with portraits of native Americans. In addition to the reggae bands, nightly, Apache bar unites young Japanese women with local ‘guides’.2

Estudo da ancestralidade materna da população do Rio de Janeiro: análise do DNA mitocondrial

As porções uniparentais do genoma humano, representadas pelo cromossomo Y e pelo DNA mitocondrial (DNAmt), contêm informação genética relacionada às heranças patrilinear e matrilinear, respectivamente. Além da aplicabilidade em genética médica e forense, o DNAmt tem sido utilizado como um importante marcador molecular em estudos sobre evolução para traçar inferências filogenéticas e filogeográficas sobre as populações humanas. A análise de linhagens de DNAmt presentes em diferentes populações mundiais levou à identificação de haplogrupos reunindo diversos haplótipos específicos dos grandes grupos étnicos: africanos, europeus, asiáticos e nativos americanos. A população brasileira é conhecida como uma das mais heterogêneas do mundo, resultado do processo de colonização do país, abrangendo mais de cinco séculos de miscigenação entre povos de diferentes continentes. Este trabalho teve como objetivo estimar a partir da análise do DNA mitocondrial as proporções ancestrais africanas, européias e ameríndias na população do Rio de Janeiro. Para isso foram sequencidas as regiões hipervariáveis HVI e HVII do DNAmt de 109 indivíduos não relacionados geneticamente residentes no Rio de Janeiro. Os haplogrupos foram classificados de acordo com o conjunto de polimorfismos dos haplótipos individuais. Programas estatísticas foram utilizados para a determinação de parâmetros de diversidade genética e comparações populacionais. A diversidade haplotípica foi estimada em 0,9988. Nossos resultados demonstraram na população do Rio de Janeiro percentuais de cerca de 60%, 25% e 15% de ancestralidades maternas africana, ameríndia e européia, respectivamente. Através da análise de distâncias genéticas, evidenciou-se que a população do Rio de Janeiro está mais próxima das populações brasilerias dos estados de São Paulo e Alagoas. Como descrito nos registros históricos, algumas regiões do país tiveram processos de colonização muito específicos que se refletem nas proporções ancestrais maternas e paternas observadas. Em relação ao DNAmt, não se verificou diferença genética significativa entre as populações do Rio de Janeiro e a de Angola, uma população africana. Os resultados obtidos estão em estreita concordância com os registros históricos e outros estudos genéticos acerca da formação da população brasileira

The Bay Scallop, Argopecten irradians, Massachusetts Through North Carolina: Its Biology and the History of Its Habitats and Fisheries

This article covers the biology and the history of the bay scallop habitats and fishery from Massachusetts to North Carolina. The scallop species that ranges from Massachusetts to New York is Argopecten irradians irradians. In New Jersey, this species grades into A. i. concentricus, which then ranges from Maryland though North Carolina. Bay scallops inhabit broad, shallow bays usually containing eelgrass meadows, an important component in their habitat. Eelgrass appears to be a factor in the production of scallop larvae and also the protection of juveniles, especially, from predation. Bay scallops spawn during the warm months and live for 18–30 months. Only two generations of scallops are present at any time. The abundances of each vary widely among bays and years. Scallops were harvested along with other mollusks on a small scale by Native Americans. During most of the 1800’s, people of European descent gathered them at wading depths or from beaches where storms had washed them ashore. Scallop shells were also and continue to be commonly used in ornaments. Some fishing for bay scallops began in the 1850’s and 1860’s, when the A-frame dredge became available and markets were being developed for the large, white, tasty scallop adductor muscles, and by the 1870’s commercial-scale fishing was underway. This has always been a cold-season fishery: scallops achieve full size by late fall, and the eyes or hearts (adductor muscles) remain preserved in the cold weather while enroute by trains and trucks to city markets. The first boats used were sailing catboats and sloops in New England and New York. To a lesser extent, scallops probably were also harvested by using push nets, picking them up with scoop nets, and anchor-roading. In the 1910’s and 1920’s, the sails on catboats were replaced with gasoline engines. By the mid 1940’s, outboard motors became more available and with them the numbers of fishermen increased. The increases consisted of parttimers who took leaves of 2–4 weeks from their regular jobs to earn extra money. In the years when scallops were abundant on local beds, the fishery employed as many as 10–50% of the towns’ workforces for a month or two. As scallops are a higher-priced commodity, the fishery could bring a substantial amount of money into the local economies. Massachusetts was the leading state in scallop landings. In the early 1980’s, its annual landings averaged about 190,000 bu/yr, while New York and North Carolina each landed about 45,000 bu/yr. Landings in the other states in earlier years were much smaller than in these three states. Bay scallop landings from Massachusetts to New York have fallen sharply since 1985, when a picoplankton, termed “brown tide,” bloomed densely and killed most scallops as well as extensive meadows of eelgrass. The landings have remained low, large meadows of eelgrass have declined in size, apparently the species of phytoplankton the scallops use as food has changed in composition and in seasonal abundance, and the abundances of predators have increased. The North Carolina landings have fallen since cownose rays, Rhinoptera bonsais, became abundant and consumed most scallops every year before the fishermen could harvest them. The only areas where the scallop fishery remains consistently viable, though smaller by 60–70%, are Martha’s Vineyard, Nantucket, Mass., and inside the coastal inlets in southwestern Long Island, N.Y.

Historical Exploitation of the California Sea Lion, Zalophus californianus, in México

The exploitation of California sea lions, Zalophus californianus, in Mexican waters can be divided into four periods as defined by political characteristics of the country: Prehispanic, Colonial, Independent, and Postrevolutionary. During the first period (pre 1533), Native Americans took sea lions at low levels. During the second (1534–1821) and the third (1822–1911) periods, most exploitation was by foreigners and was incidental to other marine mammal harvests. During the Postrevolutionary period (after 1911), sea lions were exploited by Mexican and U.S. citizens for several commercial uses. Exploitation officially ended in 1982, although some small-scale poaching still occurs.

The History and Literature of America's Oysters

Historically, America's use and enjoyment of the oyster extend far back into prehistoric times. The Native Americans often utilized oysters, more intensively in some areas than in others, and, at least in some areas of the Caribbean and Pacific coast, the invading Spanish sought oysters as eagerly as they did gold-but for the pearls. That was the pearl oyster, Pinctada sp., and signs of its local overexploitation were recorded early in the 16th century. During the 1800's, use of the eastern oyster grew phenomenally and, for a time, it outranked beef as a source of protein in some parts of the nation. Social events grew up around it, as it became an important aspect of culture and myth. Eventually, research on the oyster began to blossom, and scientific literature on the various species likewise bloomed-to the extent that when the late Paul Galtsoff wrote his classic treatise "The American oyster Crassostrea virginica Gmelin" in 1954, he reported compiling an extensive bibliography of over 6,000 subject and author cards on oysters and related subjects which he deposited in the library of the Woods Hole Laboratory of the Bureau of Commercial Fisheries (now NMFS). That large report, volume 64 (480 pages) of the agency's Fishery Bulletin, was a bargain at $2.75, and it has been a standard reference ever since. But the research and the attendant literature have grown greatly since Galtsoff's work was published, and now that has been thoroughly updated.

The Origin, Evolution, and Demise of the U.S. Sea Turtle Fisheries

Fishing was America's first industry, and turtling played an important role in the nation's developing fisheries. However, before the European settlers arrived in the New World, Native Americans had already developed spiritual and gastronomic relationships with sea turtles. There are indications that ancient Florida tribes had eaten sea turtles and then placed the skulls in burial mounds (Johnson, 1952).

Distinctive Paleo-Indian Migration Routes from Beringia Marked by Two Rare mtDNA Haplogroups

Background: It is widely accepted that the ancestors of Native Americans arrived in the New World via Beringia approximately 10 to 30 thousand years ago (kya). However, the arrival time(s), number of expansion events, and migration routes into the Western

Perceived cannabis use norms and cannabis use among adolescents in the United States.

Due to changes in cannabis policies, concerns about cannabis use (CU) in adolescents have increased. The population of nonwhite groups is growing quickly in the United States. We examined perceived CU norms and their association with CU and CU disorder (CUD) for White, Black, Hispanic, Native-American, Asian-American, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (NH/PI), and mixed-race adolescents. Data were from adolescents (12-17 years) in the 2004-2012 National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (N = 163,837). Substance use and CUD were assessed by computer-assisted, self-interviewing methods. Blacks, Hispanics, Native-Americans, and mixed-race adolescents had greater odds of past-year CU and CUD than Whites. Among past-year cannabis users (CUs), Hispanics and Native-Americans had greater odds of having a CUD than Whites. Asian-Americans had the highest prevalence of perceived parental or close friends' CU disapproval. Native-Americans and mixed-race adolescents had lower odds than Whites of perceiving CU disapproval from parents or close friends. In adjusted analyses, adolescent's disapproval of CU, as well as perceived disapproval by parents or close friends, were associated with a decreased odds of CU in each racial/ethnic group, except for NHs/PIs. Adolescent's disapproval of CU was associated with a decreased odds of CUD among CUs for Whites (personal, parental, and close friends' disapproval), Hispanics (personal, parental, and close friends' disapproval), and mixed-race adolescents (personal, close friends' disapproval). Racial/ethnic differences in adolescent CU prevalence were somewhat consistent with adolescents' reports of CU norm patterns. Longitudinal research on CU health effects should oversample nonwhite adolescents to assure an adequate sample for analysis and reporting.

À la convergence des savoirs : la transmission des connaissances entre des Atikamekw et des archéologues

Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la relation entre des archéologues et des Atikamekw de la communauté de Wemotaci, située en Haute-Mauricie. Cette relation est abordée sous l’angle de la transmission des savoirs. En effet, archéologues et Amérindiens possèdent des systèmes de connaissances distincts et c’est de la dynamique de rencontre entre ces deux corpus de savoirs dont il est ici question. Contrairement à ce que décrit généralement la littérature, les différences de conceptions à divers niveaux comme le rapport au passé, au territoire ou à l’objet n’empêchent pas une reconnaissance mutuelle des savoirs entre les archéologues et les Atikamekw. Chacun des groupes acquiert et intègre même les connaissances de l’autre selon ses préoccupations et ses besoins. Cette transmission des connaissances ne se limite pas à l’échange entre les archéologues et les Atikamekw, elle a également eu lieu entre les différentes générations amérindiennes. À travers une histoire où se conjuguent colonisation, éducation et sédentarisation, les savoirs des Atikamekw se trouvent au cœur du changement. C’est ainsi que la pratique archéologique peut devenir un moyen pour mettre en valeur des connaissances autochtones en permettant une rencontre intergénérationnelle sur un terrain de fouilles archéologiques. Enfin, dans un contexte où les nations autochtones désirent participer à tout ce qui concerne la protection de leur patrimoine culturel, l’archéologie peut également devenir un outil de réappropriation culturelle.

De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ : Les «Barbares de Nouvelle-France», texte anonyme (1616) édité par Joseph de Jouvency (1710)

Le De regione et moribus Canadensium seu Barbarorum Novæ Franciæ a toujours été présenté comme un texte rédigé par le jésuite Joseph de Jouvency. Pourtant, une étude plus approfondie montre que certains éléments ne peuvent provenir ni d'un religieux, ni du XVIIIe siècle. On aurait plutôt à faire avec un auteur laïc du début du XVIIe siècle, qui a des informations de première main, puisqu'il est lui-même à Québec. Ce qui en fait un document précieux et un témoin privilégié de l’histoire du début de la Nouvelle-France, bien que traduit et retravaillé par des Jésuites. Jouvency, en l'insérant dans les Historiæ Societatis Jesu, l'a en effet censuré et a ajouté quelques passages au texte original. Quelle est l'opinion du véritable auteur, ce Français vivant à Québec, sur les « Barbares de Nouvelle-France » qu'il rencontre? Une étude du texte montre qu'il dépeint à la fois les bonnes et les mauvaises coutumes des tribus autochtones, nous renseignant ainsi sur l'état des indigènes peu après l'arrivée des premiers véritables colons de la Nouvelle-France. Une traduction française accompagne l'analyse du texte.

Transformations sociales chez les Cherokees, 1794-1827

Bouleversements démographiques, pressions assimilatrices, défaites militaires et rivalités territoriales : ce mémoire étudie les transformations que connaît la société Cherokee sous l’impulsion de ces forces au cours du «long XVIIIe siècle» qui débute avec l’intensification des contacts avec les colons anglais vers 1700 et qui se termine avec la déportation des Cherokees vers l’Indian Territory, dans l’actuel Oklahoma, à la fin des années 1830. Son regard porte principalement la centralisation des institutions politiques, la transformation des règles qui définissent l’appartenance à la nation, et l’évolution des rôles des genres dans la famille et dans l’économie pendant la période entre la signature du traité de paix de 1794 et l’adoption par les Cherokees d’une Constitution fortement inspirée de celle des États-Unis, en 1827.

Constructions et représentation de la classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec à Fermont

À l'ère de la mondialisation, où la matrice capitaliste continue de dominer, la classification dans les groupes se définit encore en termes de classes, de genres et d'ethnicité. Les transformations causées par la mondialisation actuelle entraînent de nouveaux modes de production, qui à leur tour transforment les modes de définition et de régulation des populations. Le projet d'exploitation du Nord du Québec est un phénomène relativement récent; or, le processus de construction d'une classe sociale n'est pas un phénomène nouveau. La formation des classes sociales étant toujours en évolution, il semble aujourd'hui pertinent de réexaminer les facteurs économiques, sociologiques et historiques des caractéristiques théoriques nécessaires à la construction et à la représentation d'une classe sociale dont l'existence est liée à l'exploitation accrue des richesses naturelles, la classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec.

 À Fermont, dans le Nord du Québec, les compagnies minières emploient depuis 2011 une grande quantité de travailleurs québécois provenant de l'extérieur de la région, des travailleurs permanents non- résidents. Ainsi, la structure sociale construite sur la force de travailleurs locaux est aux prises avec de nouvelles dynamiques de mobilité sociale géographique. Au travail, les femmes et les autochtones sont aussi affectés par les relations des systèmes de pouvoir de la vie quotidienne, car les emplois de l'industrie minière et du domaine de la construction sont socialement et historiquement fondés sur des capitaux sociaux et culturels (blanc et homme). La classe ouvrière du Nord du Québec est redéfinit par son rapport à la migration géographique des travailleurs permanents non- résidents, par ses relations avec les minorités de genre et les minorités autochtones, relations qui engendrent une organisation sociale complexe et hétérogène.

La revolución como metáfora política: para una comprensión de la revolución fascista de Benito Mussolini

Asumiendo que existe una tendencia de la opinión pública y académica por relacionar la idea de revolución con procesos netamente de izquierda, se propone comprender el término como concepto y como metáfora con el fin de alejarlo de la polarización ideológica. En esta investigación se abordan los conceptos políticos y su relación con las metáforas a partir de unos principios teóricos básicos: la idea de Koselleck de que los conceptos tienen historia, y la idea de Blumenberg de que muchos conceptos fundamentales son potentes porque en el fondo son metáforas. Posteriormente se observa cómo las diferentes posturas políticas han adoptado o rechazado la idea de revolución como parte de sus proyectos políticos. Finalmente, el caso del fascismo se presenta como un escenario clave para comprobar la trascendencia del concepto y las implicaciones de su uso en términos discursivos y prácticos

Paleoamerican Morphology in the Context of European and East Asian Late Pleistocene Variation: Implications for Human Dispersion Into the New World

Early American crania show a different morphological pattern from the one shared by late Native Americans. Although the origin of the diachronic morphological diversity seen on the continents is still debated, the distinct morphology of early Americans is well documented and widely dispersed. This morphology has been described extensively for South America, where larger samples are available. Here we test the hypotheses that the morphology of Early Americans results from retention of the morphological pattern of Late Pleistocene modern humans and that the occupation of the New World precedes the morphological differentiation that gave rise to recent Eurasian and American morphology. We compare Early American samples with European Upper Paleolithic skulls, the East Asian Zhoukoudian Upper Cave specimens and a series of 20 modern human reference crania. Canonical Analysis and Minimum Spanning Tree were used to assess the morphological affinities among the series, while Mantel and Dow-Cheverud tests based on Mahalanobis Squared Distances were used to test different evolutionary scenarios. Our results show strong morphological affinities among the early series irrespective of geographical origin, which together with the matrix analyses results favor the scenario of a late morphological differentiation of modern humans. We conclude that the geographic differentiation of modern human morphology is a late phenomenon that occurred after the initial settlement of the Americas. Am J Phys Anthropol 144:442-453, 2011. (c) 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc.