Las implicaciones políticas de la relación China-América Latina: el Consenso Asiático como red de poder global y el caso brasileño (Tema Central)

This paper analyzes the People’s Republic of China economic and political ascendance in the 21st century, focusing on the evolution of its sui géneris economic development model and its significance for the relationship between China and the developing countries of the peripheral ‘Global South.’ The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and Latin America in the 21st century, characterizing it as a new Center-periphery global power network based on trade and investment, which is often referred to as the ‘Asian Consensus’. The article will give special attention to the Brazilian case.

Condiciones, no concesiones. Cooperación económicofinanciera China-Ecuador (Tema Central)

In the last decade, the presence of China in Latin America has been characterized by a model of economic cooperation based on pragmatic principles of complementarity and mutual benefits. Latin America is presented as a “paradise” of natural resources and expanding markets, while China stands as the main financier and investor in the region. In this scenario, particularly since 2009, Ecuador has become one of the top recipients of Chinese funding and investment, mainly in strategic sectors such as energy and infrastructure. The presence of China in the country has been the subject of extensive discussions about the true benefits and costs behind its model of economic cooperation.

Algunas características de los programas antárticos de India y China (Tema Central)

This paper states that even though the Antarctic Treaty is a remarkable instrument for peaceful collaboration and scientific research, it is, basically, a by-product of the Cold War that reaffirms a particular status quo. This paper explores whether the ATS will meet the needs of an emerging world order. Particularly, the paper evaluates the ATS in the face of new global challenges, both internal and external to the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) itself, as well as power shifting processes on a world scale, climate change and the changing interests of new states. China is a key component in understanding this issue because its Antarctic engagement is entering a new phase one that challenges current multilateral provisions. China’s Antarctic program will be analyzed within the framework of International Relations approaches and theories.

China e a Ásia Central: petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos

In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion

Income, Trade and Pollution in Central Asia, Russia and China: An Econometric Analysis

The study performs a panel estimation of the relationship between per capita income, trade, and airborne pollution in the five Central Asian nations, Russia and China between 1992 and 2008. First, this study uses an environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis (EKC)- an inverted-U relationship between the increase in income and the level of environmental degradation - to examine how income and pollution are related. Second, the study uses a gravity model to estimate the effect of a regional trade agreement (Shanghai Cooperation Organization: SCO) on incomes and carbon dioxide emissions in the region. Empirical analysis confirms the existence of the rising portion of the EKC curve in the region - a positive correlation between per capita income growth and carbon dioxide emissions- and that the volume of bilateral trade, and not the existence of a regional trade agreement, contributes to the increasing level of environmental pollution.

Income, Trade and Pollution in Central Asia, Russia and China: An Econometric Analysis

The study performs a panel estimation of the relationship between per capita income, trade, and airborne pollution in the five Central Asian nations, Russia and China between 1992 and 2008. First, this study uses an environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis (EKC)- an inverted-U relationship between the increase in income and the level of environmental degradation - to examine how income and pollution are related. Second, the study uses a gravity model to estimate the effect of a regional trade agreement (Shanghai Cooperation Organization: SCO) on incomes and carbon dioxide emissions in the region. Empirical analysis confirms the existence of the rising portion of the EKC curve in the region - a positive correlation between per capita income growth and carbon dioxide emissions- and that the volume of bilateral trade, and not the existence of a regional trade agreement, contributes to the increasing level of environmental pollution.

Persistence of Artemisia steppe in the Tangra Yumco Basin, west-central Tibet, China: despite or in consequence of Holocene lake-level changes?

The closed Tangra Yumco Basin underwent the strongest Quaternary lake-level changes so far recorded on the Tibetan Plateau. It was hitherto unknown what effect this had on local Holocene vegetation development. A 3.6-m sediment core from a recessional lake terrace at 4,700 m a.s.l., 160 m above the present lake level of Tangra Yumco, was studied to reconstruct Holocene flooding phases (sedimentology and ostracod analyses), vegetation dynamics and human influence (palynology, charcoal and coprophilous fungi analyses). Peat at the base of the profile proves lake level was below 4,700 m a.s.l. during the Pleistocene/Holocene transition. A deep-lake phase started after 11 cal ka BP, but the ostracod record indicates the level was not higher than similar to 4,720 m a.s.l. (180 m above present) and decreased gradually after the early Holocene maximum. Additional sediment ages from the basin suggest recession of Tangra Yumco from the coring site after 2.6 cal ka BP, with a shallow local lake persisting at the site until similar to 1 cal ka BP. The final peat formation indicates drier conditions thereafter. Persistence of Artemisia steppe during the Holocene lake high-stand resembles palynological records from west Tibet that indicate early Holocene aridity, in spite of high lake levels that may have resulted from meltwater input. Yet pollen assemblages indicate humidity closer to that of present potential forest areas near Lhasa, with 500-600 mm annual precipitation. Thus, the early mid-Holocene humidity was sufficient to sustain at least juniper forest, but Artemisia dominance persisted as a consequence of a combination of environmental disturbances such as (1) strong early Holocene climate fluctuations, (2) inundation of habitats suitable for forest, (3) extensive water surfaces that served as barriers to terrestrial diaspore transport from refuge areas, (4) strong erosion that denuded the non-flooded upper slopes and (5) increasing human influence since the late glacial.

Northwest China and Central Asia, 1750 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Carte de la petite Bukharie et pays voisins : pour servir a l'Histoire générale des voyages, dressée sur les observations les plus récentes par N. Bellin, Ingr. de la Mare., 1749. It was published by Pierre de Hondt in 1750. Scale [ca. 1:8,500,000]. Covers Northwest China, including portions of Xinjiang Uygur Zizhiqu, Gansu Sheng, Qinghai Sheng, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and portions of India, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Mongolia. Map in French and Dutch.The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Asia North Lambert Conformal Conic coordinate system. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, territorial boundaries, roads, and more. Relief shown pictorially.This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features. The selection represents a range of originators, ground condition dates, scales, and map purposes.

China vs. Central Asia. The achievements of the past two decades. OSW Study 45/2013

The collapse of the USSR brought about conditions conducive to the dynamic development of relations between Central Asia and China. These relations have evolved from deep mistrust to the continually growing Chinese presence primarily in the region’s economy but also increasingly in its politics. Central Asia is playing a growing role in those areas of the economy which China sees as strategic (in particular in energy and communications). China’s ambitions and capabilities with regard to new areas and its geopolitical competitors are also being tested here. For the time being, it can be said that China has achieved vast success: its offer is appealing for the region, and Beijing has outpaced its Western rivals and has seriously challenged Russia’s position in the region. It remains, however, an open question whether China will be able to maintain and secure its present achievements and trends, which will be a serious challenge given the eternal instability in the region and Russia’s reintegration ambitions.

China on Central-Eastern Europe: ‘16+1’ as seen from Beijing. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 166/15.04.2015

From the Introduction. In 2012, China approached the countries of Central-Eastern Europe (CEE) with a proposal concerning regional cooperation in the ‘16+1’ formula. According to Chinese analysts, the rationale behind this breakthrough decision was Beijing’s acknowledgment of the growing importance of the region’s states within the European Union as well as a partial elimination of the ideological differences which had hamstrung cooperation in previous years. It seems that the eurozone crisis may be perceived as the reason for the CEE states’ increased interest in developing their cooperation with China. These circumstances have opened a ‘window of opportunity’ which Beijing has decided to exploit to create a kind of bridgehead in the region which it could later use in its further economic expansion in Europe. Apart from opening the CEE region up for investments, the ‘16+1’ format was intended to facilitate the shaping of relations between China and the EU and to become a tool in building a positive image for China. Chinese experts agree that after three years of functioning, the ‘16+1’ regional cooperation format has helped Beijing achieve its goals only to a limited extent. The major obstacles have included: the immense diversification of the region, barriers related to EU law, insufficient expertise on the part of Chinese companies, the asymmetry of economic needs on both sides, and no willingness within the region itself to develop cooperation. Regardless of the limited effectiveness of activities carried out so far, China has continued its ‘16+1’ initiative. This continuation and the progressing institutionalisation of cooperation in the ‘16+1’ format have often seemed superficial. China has been using this multi-party formula to improve its long-term bilateral relations with selected states in the region and thereby to create a basis for Beijing’s political and economic presence in Central-Eastern Europe.