789 resultados para Capitalist economy


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This article examines Pierre Bourdieu's sociology of the economy and his more recent politically engaged interventions on 'globalisation'. Many scholars regard these as not being in the same academic league as his classic studies on taste, academia, and state elites, etc., and, instead, dismiss them as a private matter or even, as the spleen of Pierre Bourdieu, the individual. This paper questions this disjunction of the 'academic' and 'politically engaged' sides of Pierre Bourdieu's work. First, it argues that his most recent interventions against a neo-liberal globalisation were the logical result of a particular definition of intellectual practice that had been outlined before in his sociology of the intellectual field. It then demonstrates that Bourdieu's economic sociology and critique of contemporary capitalism not only does not contradict his earlier research, but that it provides valuable and original insights into the current transformation of the political economy of the advanced capitalist countries. The paper concludes with a suggestion of how to strengthen the theoretical foundation of Bourdieu's analysis of contemporary capitalism by relating it to and making it compatible with alternative approaches in the tradition of critical political economy.

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This article examines the socio-economic evolution of the social economy sector in the Basque Country during the 2008-2014 period of economic crisis. Data have been obtained within a framework of collaboration between university, Basque Government and private sector of the social economy. The results suggest that such entities have evolved better, both in terms of number of enterprises and employment, than the general economy of the Basque Country, while the context of public policies aimed at social economy has worsened over the years. However, in economic terms (measured through the Gross Value Added generated), they have not been able to cope with the crisis in equal conditions to the general economy. The main contribution of this research lies in that, unlike similar studies, it discusses the evolution of the whole sector of the social economy, taking as reference a broad period of the current economic crisis.

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One of the reasons for the 'fin de seicle' angst within western liberal capitalist societies is the rise in prominance of ecological concerns within these societies. Long before the New Right declared the post-war welfare state to be untenable, early green critics had claimed it to be ecologically unsustainable. The addiction of the welfare state on ever increasing levels of economic growth was pronounced to be simply impossible within the context of a finite planet. Although it was not expressed in this manner, what these early ecological concerns with Limits to Growth were in effect saying was that the accumulation of capital rendered capitalism unsustainable. Yet the ecological critique of capitalism has not found much favour within the Marxist critique untile recently. Early Marxist analyses of the ecology movement dismissed them as ‘petty bourgeios radicals’ while many greens still view Marxism as ‘fair shares in extinction’. The lack of positive engagement and dialogue between Marxism and ecology has in recent years been put right with a discernable overlap between the two critiques of capitalism. This article seeks to present the areas of disagreement and agreement between the two and seeks to provide an ‘environmental audit’ on both the Marxist method and political project.

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This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and the principal ways in which it differs from dominant mainstream or orthodox neoclassical economics. Neoclassical economics is critiqued on the grounds of denying its normative and ideological commitments in its false presentation of itself as ‘objective’ and ‘value neutral’. It is also critiqued for its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy, compromising its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative or heterodox form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases (hence it represents a return to ‘political economy’, the origins of modern economics). Green political economy also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, green political economy promotes ‘economic security’ as a better objective for a sustainable, post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is also one which maximises quality of life (as oppose to formal employment, income and wealth), and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality. Green political economy views orthodox economic growth as having passed the threshold in most ‘advanced’ capitalist societies beyond which it has undermined quality of life and at best manages rather than reduces socially and ecologically damaging inequalities.

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The history of Alberta's meatpacking workers is closely connected with the broader historical struggles of the working class in North America. Like their counterparts from the packinghouses in Toronto and Montreal, the workers of Calgary and Edmonton organized and fought for union recognition between 1911 and 1920, thus joining a labour revolt that was spreading throughout Europe and North America in the wake of World War I and the October Revolution. They faced stiff resistance.

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This paper is an attempt to map the global land acquisitions with a focus on Indian MNCs in acquiring overseas land for agricultural purposes. It tries to outline the contemporary political economy of capital accumulation at the global level, especially, in the emerging developing economies like India and China, where the emergence of a new capitalist class has engaged itself into acquisition of land and control of other natural resources in Africa, Latin America, Eastern Europe and South East Asia, for example, water and other minerals to secure itself from the eventual losses of ongoing economic crisis and to earn profit from the volatile agricultural commodity markets. This sway of control of resources by the MNCs has got paramount State support under the helm of neoliberal policies. The paper provides scale of overseas land acquisitions at the current juncture and tries to highlight its causes and the major implications associated with it.

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Purpose This paper furthers the analysis of patterns regulating capitalist accumulation based on a historical anthropology of economic activities revolving around and within the Mauritian Export Processing Zone (EPZ). Design/methodology/approach This paper uses fieldwork in Mauritius to interrogate and critique two important concepts in contemporary social theory – “embeddedness” and “the informal economy.” These are viewed in the wider frame of social anthropology’s engagement with (neoliberal) capitalism. Findings A process-oriented revision of Polanyi’s work on embeddedness and the “double movement” is proposed to help us situate EPZs within ongoing power struggles found throughout the history of capitalism. This helps us to challenge the notion of economic informality as supplied by Hart and others. Social implications Scholars and policymakers have tended to see economic informality as a force from below, able to disrupt the legal-rational nature of capitalism as practiced from on high. Similarly, there is a view that a precapitalist embeddedness, a “human economy,” has many good things to offer. However, this paper shows that the practices of the state and multinational capitalism, in EPZs and elsewhere, exactly match the practices that are envisioned as the cure to the pitfalls of capitalism. Value of the paper Setting aside the formal-informal distinction in favor of a process-oriented analysis of embeddedness allows us better to understand the shifting struggles among the state, capital, and labor.

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In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

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This article explores Islamic politics in two Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and Malaysia, by linking their trajectories, from late colonial emergence to recent upsurge, to broad concerns of political economy, including changing social bases, capitalist transformation, state policies, and economic crises. The Indonesian and Malaysian trajectories of Islamic politics are tracked in a comparative exercise that goes beyond the case studies to suggest that much of contemporary Islamic politics cannot be explained by reference to Islam alone, but to how Islamic identities and agendas are forged in contexts of modern and profane social contestation.

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The present political climate in which the ideals of entrepreneurship and self-help are strongly encouraged has drawn attention to those ethnic minorities noted for their entrepreneurial activity. Since the Chinese appear to be an exemplary case in point, this thesis focusses upon the historical material conditions which have led to the formation of a Chinese 'business* community in Britain, both past and present As such, it rejects the theories of cultural determinism which characterise most studies of the Chinese. For rather than representing the endurance of cultural norms, the existence of the contemporary Chinese 'niche' of ethnically exclusive firms in the catering industry is due to the conjunction of a number of historical processes. The first is the imperialist expansion into China of Britain's capitalist empire during the nineteenth century which established a relationship of dependency upon the interests of British capital by colonial Chinese labour. The second is the post war development of the catering industry and its demand for cheap labour as administered by the British state together with the contemporaneous development of the agricultural economy of colonial Hong Kong. Far from representing a source of material benefit to all, the ethnic Chinese 'niche' in catering is highly exploitative and merely underlines the racial oppression of Chinese in Britain. Attempts to promote business interests within the ethnic community therefore serve merely to entrench the structures of oppression.

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A főáramlat közgazdászai elismerik, hogy a szocialista rendszert a krónikus hiány jellemezte, de úgy vélik, hogy a kapitalista rendszerben - kisebb vagy nagyobb ingadozások közepette - piaci egyensúly uralkodik. Ezzel szemben a tanulmány két piaci állapotot állít egymással szembe. Az egyikben dominálnak a túlkeresleti jelenségek, bár előfordulnak túlkínálati jelenségek is, ezt nevezi a szerző hiánygazdaságnak. A másikban dominálnak a túlkínálati jelenségek, bár előfordulnak túlkeresleti jelenségek is, amit a szerző többletgazdaságnak nevez. A hiánygazdaságot magyarázó tényezőket a szerző korábbi munkái írták le. A jelen tanulmány I. része azokat a mechanizmusokat mutatja be, amelyek a kapitalizmus keretei között létrehozzák a többletgazdaságot: a korlátozott verseny, a schumpeteri "teremtő rombolás", a vállalat törekvése biztonsági tartalékok kiépítésére és a növekvő skálahozadék. Foglalkozik azokkal a jelenségekkel, amelyek fékezik a kereslet és az árak alkalmazkodását. Külön fejezet tárgyalja a többlet mérésének (és ezzel szoros összefüggésben a fogalmak szigorú definícióinak) nehézségeit. ______ Mainstream economists recognize that the socialist system was marked by chronic shortage, but they consider that the capitalist system exhibits market equilibrium, give or take some greater or lesser fluctuations. This study, however, contrasts two market states. One is dominated by phenomena of excess demand, though instances of excess supply appear as well; this the author calls a shortage economy. The other is dominated by phenomena of excess supply, though instances of excess demand appear as well; this the author terms a surplus economy. The author has described in earlier works the factors explaining the shortage economy. Part I of the study presents the mechanisms generating a surplus economy under capitalism: imperfect competition, Schumpeterian "creative destruction" , the efforts of firms to build up safety reserves, and increasing economies of scale. It also covers phenomena that curb accommodation of demand and prices. Discussed in a separate chapter are the difficulties of measuring surplus (and closely tied with this, of strictly defining the concepts).

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A főáramlat közgazdászai elismerik, hogy a szocialista rendszert a krónikus hiány jellemezte, de úgy vélik, hogy a kapitalista rendszerben - kisebb vagy nagyobb ingadozások közepette - piaci egyensúly uralkodik. Ezzel szemben a tanulmány két piaci állapotot állít egymással szembe. Az egyikben dominálnak a túlkeresleti jelenségek, bár előfordulnak túlkínálati jelenségek is, ezt nevezi a szerző hiánygazdaságnak. A másikban dominálnak a túlkínálati jelenségek, bár előfordulnak túlkeresleti jelenségek is, amit a szerző többletgazdaságnak nevez. A tanulmány II. része összefoglalja a tanulmány fő állításait. Ezek szerint a szocialista rendszer veleszületett immanens tulajdonsága a hiánygazdaság, míg a kapitalista rendszer veleszületett immanens tulajdonsága a többletgazdaság létrehozása és állandó reprodukciója. Állami beavatkozások erősíthetik vagy gyengíthetik ezeket a genetikus tulajdonságokat, de nem szüntethetik meg. A tanulmány áttekinti a többletgazdaság kedvező és kedvezőtlen hatásait. A kedvező hatások között különleges nyomatékkal emeli ki, hogy a többlet (elsősorban többletkapacitások) nélkül nem alakulhat ki a termelők, illetve az eladók rivalizálása, ami az innovációs folyamat legfontosabb hajtóereje. A többletgazdaság általános esetének vizsgálata után különböző speciális esetekkel foglalkozik a tanulmány: a gazdaság konjunkturális hullámzásával, a hadigazdasággal, a modern kapitalizmusban mutatkozó történelmi léptékű változásokkal, valamint a szocialista rendszeren belül megjelent piacorientált reformokkal és a posztszocialista átmenettel. ____ Mainstream economists recognize that the socialist system was marked by chronic shortage, but they consider that the capitalist system exhibits market equilibrium, give or take some greater or lesser fluctuations. This study, however, contrasts two market states. One is dominated by phenomena of excess demand, though instances of excess supply appear as well; this the author calls a shortage economy. The other is dominated by phenomena of excess supply, though instances of excess demand appear as well; this the author terms a surplus economy. Part II of the study starts by summing up its main propositions. Just as the shortage economy is an intrinsic, immanent trait of the socialist system, so the creation and continual reproduction of the surplus economy is an intrinsic, immanent trait of the capitalist system. Such genetic traits may be strengthened or weakened by state intervention, but not eliminated by it. The study reviews the favourable and detrimental effects of the surplus economy. Of the favourable effects, it is emphasized that without surplus there cannot develop among producers or sellers the rivalry that provides the main impetus for the innovation process. Having examined the general case of the surplus economy, the study turns to various special cases: to the trade-cycle fluctuations of the economy, the war economy, the historic changes appearing in modern capitalism, the market-oriented reforms that appear within the socialist system, and the post-socialist transition.

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From 2000 to 2010, America’s music industry’s annual revenue went from $4 billion to $2 billion. Much of this is attributed to the internet’s ability to provide consumers with easy access to free music, and hip hop has been especially impacted by this trend. Utilizing document analysis and personal interviews, this study found that the success of independent artists has influenced the business strategies of major record companies. In response to a dramatic decrease in record sales, major labels have made more of an effort to sign their artists to 360 deals, which allow the labels to profit from every aspect of an artist’s brand or identity. While some independent artists are the main beneficiary of the profits generated from their music and personal brand, they also reify the commodity-form capitalist system by attempting to turn their music and brand into a fetishized commodity and by turning their audience into a fetishized commodity.

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The pharmaceutical industry wields disproportionate power and control within the medical economy of knowledge where the desire for profit considerably outweighs health for its own sake. Utilizing the theoretical tools of political philosophy, this project restructures the economy of medical knowledge in order to lessen the oligarchical control possessed by the pharmaceutical industry. Ultimately, this project argues that an economy of medical knowledge structured around communitarian political theory lessens the current power dynamic without taking an anti-capitalist stance. Arising from the core commitments of communitarian-liberalism, the production, distribution, and consumption of medical knowledge all become guided processes seeking to realize the common good of quality healthcare. This project also considers two other theoretical approaches: liberalism and egalitarianism. A Medical knowledge economy structured around liberal political theory is ultimately rejected as it empowers the oligarchical status quo. Egalitarian political theory is able to significantly reduce the power imbalance problem but simultaneously renders inconsequential medical knowledge; therefore, it is also rejected.

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Organizations of the Social Economy in Spain accounted for 13% of employment and 12% of GDP in 2013, according to the Spanish Confederation fo Social Economy. Also, according to various institutions and studies, the role of Social Economy has become relevant due to they represent a model promoting the creation of collective business projects with greater sustainability and potential than models of individual self-employment. However, despite all this, there are few academic studies or sectoral reports analyzing employment in this sector, especially in the case of youth employment. This study aims to fill this gap in the literature analyzing the scared available data in order to show the numbers and characteristics of youth employment in this sector. Results show the weight of youth employment in the Social Economy is higher than the economy overall.