Efeito da aplicação de diferentes pré-tratamentos na gasificação de cepos de Eucalyptus globulus. Densificação, torrefação e torrefação combinada com densificação

Mestrado em Engenharia Florestal e dos Recursos Naturais - Instituto Superior de Agronomia - UL

Internet/computer addiction among juveniles in Turkey

Internet and computer addiction has been a popular research area since the 90s. Studies on Internet and computer addiction have usually been conducted in the US, and the investigation of computer and Internet addiction at different countries is an interesting area of research. This study investigates computer and Internet addiction among teenagers and Internet cafe visitors in Turkey. We applied a survey to 983 visitors in the Internet cafes. The results show that the Internet cafe visitors are usually teenagers, mostly middle and high-school students and usually are busy with computer and Internet applications like chat, e-mail, browsing and games. The teenagers come to the Internet cafe to spend time with friends and the computers. In addition, about 30% of cafe visitors admit to having an Internet addiction, and about 20% specifically mention the problems that they are having with the Internet. It is rather alarming to consider the types of activities that the teenagers are performing in an Internet cafe, their reasons for being there, the percentage of self-awareness about Internet addiction, and the lack of control of applications in the cafe.

Disputes in Everyday Life : Social and Moral Orders of Children and Young People

"The research presented in this volume has been undertaken in a range of settings and across ages, to display the rich, varied, and complex aspects of children and young people's everyday lives. The papers contribute to understanding children's disputes, framed as forms of social practice, by closely examining children's talk and interaction in disputes to offer insight into how they arrange their social lives within the context of school, home, neighborhood, correctional, and cafe settings. As such, this volume contributes to an emerging body of edited volumes that investigate children and young people's everyday interactions (Cromdal, 2009; Cromdal & Tholander, in press; Gardner & Forrester, 2010; Goodwin & Kyratzis, 2007; Hutchby & Moran-Ellis, 1998). Each paper has been peer reviewed, by respected researchers of the field, in some cases authors of this volume, and revised. We also thank Charlotte Cobb-Moore who so ably assisted in the final preparation of the manuscripts."---publisher website

Editorial

On a balmy summer morning a small group of us gathered for breakfast at the China National Convention Centre in Beijing during the 2010 ISME World Conference. As the cafe started to fill up with delegates from around the globe, we sat intently discussing our grand plan. Quite simply, we wanted to develop a network of community music practitioners and scholars in the Asia Pacific region. Inspired by the Community Music Activity (CMA) Commission we had just attended in Hangzhou the week before, we felt a pressing need to keep the seminar’s momentum going. During the seminar we had heard many stories and examples of musical practices, community contexts, pedagogical approaches and research ethics; however, set against the backdrop of this Chinese context, these familiar topics seemed to take on a new meaning (see Bartleet 2011). As we experienced the local culture and interacted with some of our Chinese colleagues, we were reminded that the concept of community is always contextual, contingent and contested(see Elliott et al. 2008: 3). We were also reminded that notions of what community music is and its social and educational functions are always fluid and varied depending on where you are in the world. After the seminar, our sense was that there are new voices and ideas relating to community music coming from this region that need to be heard. We hoped that this network would serve as a vehicle for activating relationships between these practitioners and scholars, as well as a channel for developing cross cultural partnerships, and disseminating research about community music in this region. On the surface this goal seemed quite straightforward...

park(ing) day

Walking through the city, passersby are occasionally jolted out of the mundane by surprises that seem out of place or incongruous with the expected urban function––a hidden cafe, or an unknown public art project. If you happen to be wandering through a major city on the third Friday of September each year, you might encounter a parking space that has been temporarily transformed into a "park" with green grass, a bench and an umbrella, perhaps a lemonade stand, a nursery, or an interactive space with a survey about local issues.

Shut up & write! Facilitating informal learning in doctoral education

Providing help for research degree writing within a formal structure is difficult because research students come into their degree with widely varying needs and levels of experience. Providing writing assistance within a less structured learning context is an approach which has been trialled in higher education with promising results (Boud, Cohen & Sampson, 2001; Stracke, 2010; Devendish et al., 2009). While semi structured approaches have been the subject of study, little attention has been paid to the processes of informal learning which exist within doctoral education. In this paper we explore a 'writing movement' which has started to be taken up at various locations in Australia through the auspices of social media (Twitter and Facebook). 'Shut up and Write' is a concept first used in the cafe scene in San Francisco, where writers converge at a specific time and place and write together, without showing each other the outcomes, temporarily transforming writing from a solitary practice to a social one. In this paper we compare the experience of facilitating shut up and write sessions in two locations: RMIT University and Queensland University of Technology. The authors describe the set up and functioning of the different groups and report on feedback from regular participants, both physical and virtual. We suggest that informal learning practices can be exploited to assist research students to orientate themselves to the university environment and share vital technical skills, with very minimal input from academic staff. This experience suggests there is untapped potential within these kinds of activities to promote learning within the research degree experience which is sustainable and builds a stronger sense of community.

Imagining neighbourhood-based community : an autoethnography

This research is an autoethnographic investigation of consumption experiences, public and quasi-public spaces, and their relationship to community within an inner city neighbourhood. The research specifically focuses on the gentrifying inner city, where class-based processes of change can have implications for people’s abilities to remain within, or feel connected to place. However, the thesis draws on broader theories of the throwntogetherness of the contemporary city (e.g., Amin and Thrift, 2002; Massey 2005) to argue that the city is a space where place-based meanings cannot be seen to be fixed, and are instead better understood as events of place – based on ever shifting interrelations between the trajectories of people and things. This perspective argues the experience of belonging to community is not just born of a social encounter, but also draws on the physical and symbolic elements of the context in which it is situated. The thesis particularly explores the ways people construct identifications within this shifting urban environment. As such, consumption practices and spaces offer one important lens through which to explore the interplay of the physical, social and symbolic. Consumer research tells us that consumption practices can facilitate experiences in which identity-defining meaning can be generated and shared. Consumption spaces can also support different kinds of collective identification – as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups or exposure realms that enable individuals to share in the identification practices of others with limited risk (Aubert-Gamet & Cova, 1999). Furthermore, the consumption-based lifestyles that gentrifying inner city neighbourhoods both support and encourage can also mean that consumption practices may be a key reason that people are moving through public space. That is, consumption practices and spaces may provide a purpose for which – and spatial frame against which – our everyday interactions and connections with people and objects are undertaken within such neighbourhoods. The purpose of this investigation then was to delve into the subjectivities at the heart of identifying with places, using the lens of our consumption-based experiences within them. The enquiry describes individual and collective identifications and emotional connections, and explores how these arise within and through our experiences within public and quasi-public spaces. It then theorises these ‘imaginings’ as representative of an experience of community. To do so, it draws on theories of imagination and its relation to community. Theories of imagined community remind us that both the values and identities of community are held together by projections that create relational links out of objects and shared practices (e.g., Benedict Anderson, 2006; Urry, 2000). Drawing on broader theories of the processes of the imagination, this thesis suggests that an interplay between reflexivity and fantasy – which are products of the critical and the fascinated consciousness – plays a role in this imagining of community (e.g., Brann, 1991; Ricoeur, 1994). This thesis therefore seeks to explore how these processes of imagining are implicated within the construction of an experience of belonging to neighbourhood-based community through consumption practices and the public and quasi-public spaces that frame them. The key question of this thesis is how do an individual’s consumption practices work to construct an imagined presence of neighbourhood-based community? Given the focus on public and quasi-public spaces and our experiences within them, the research also asked how do experiences in the public and quasi-public spaces that frame these practices contribute to the construction of this imagined presence? This investigation of imagining community through consumption practices is based on my own experiences of moving to, and attempting to construct community connections within, an inner city neighbourhood in Melbourne, Australia. To do so, I adopted autoethnographic methodology. This is because autoethnography provides the methodological tools through which one can explore and make visible the subjectivities inherent within the lived experiences of interest to the thesis (Ellis, 2004). I describe imagining community through consumption as an extension of a placebased self. This self is manifest through personal identification in consumption spaces that operate as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups, as well as through a broader imagining of spaces, people, and practices as connected through experiences within realms of exposure. However, this is a process that oscillates through cycles of identification; these anchor one within place personally, but also disrupt those attachments. This instability can force one to question the orientation and motives of these imaginings, and reframe them according to different spaces and reference groups in ways that can also work to construct a more anonymous and, conversely, more achievable collective identification. All the while, the ‘I’ at the heart of this identification is in an ongoing process of negotiation, and similarly, the imagined community is never complete. That is, imagining community is a negotiation, with people and spaces – but mostly with the different identifications of the self. This thesis has been undertaken by publication, and thus the process of imagining community is explored and described through four papers. Of these, the first two focus on specific types of consumption spaces – a bar and a shopping centre – and consider the ways that anchoring and exposure within these spaces support the process of imagining community. The third paper examines the ways that the public and quasi-public spaces that make up the broader neighbourhood context are themselves throwntogether as a realm of exposure, and considers the ways this shapes my imaginings of this neighbourhood as community. The final paper develops a theory of imagined community, as a process of comparison and contrast with imagined others, to provide a summative conceptualisation of the first three papers. The first paper, chapter five, explores this process of comparison and contrast in relation to authenticity, which in itself is a subjective assessment of identity. This chapter was written as a direct response to the recent work of Zukin (2010), and draws on theories of authenticity as applied to personal and collective identification practices by consumer researchers Arnould and Price (2000). In this chapter, I describe how my assessments of the authenticity of my anchoring experiences within one specific consumption space, a neighbourhood bar, are evaluated in comparison to my observations of and affective reactions to the social practices of another group of residents in a different consumption space, the local shopping centre. Chapter five also provides an overview of the key sites and experiences that are considered in more detail in the following two chapters. In chapter six, I again draw on my experiences within the bar introduced in chapter five, this time to explore the process of developing a regular identity within a specific consumption space. Addressing the popular theory of the cafe or bar as third place (Oldenburg, 1999), this paper considers the purpose of developing anchored relationships with people within specific consumption spaces, and explores the different ways this may be achieved in an urban context where the mobilities and lifestyle practices of residents complicate the idea of a consumption space as an anchoring or third place. In doing so, this chapter also considers the manner in which this type of regular identification may be seen to be the beginning of the process of imagining community. In chapter seven, I consider the ways the broader public spaces of the neighbourhood work cumulatively to expose different aspects of its identity by following my everyday movements through the neighbourhood’s shopping centre and main street. Drawing on the theories of Urry (2000), Massey (2005), and Amin (2007, 2008), this chapter describes how these spaces operate as exposure realms, enabling the expression of different senses of the neighbourhood’s spaces, times, cultures, and identities through their physical, social, and symbolic elements. Yet they also enable them to be united: through habitual pathways, group practices of appropriation of space, and memory traces that construct connections between objects and experiences. This chapter describes this as a process of exposure to these different elements. Our imagination begins to expand the scope of the frames onto which it projects an imagined presence; it searches for patterns within the physical, social, and symbolic environment and draws connections between people and practices across spaces. As the final paper, chapter eight, deduces, it is in making these connections that one constructs the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes this as an imagining of neighbourhood as a place-based extension of the self, and then explores the ways in which I drew on physical, social, and symbolic elements in an attempt to construct a fit between the neighbourhood’s offerings and my desires for place-based identity definition. This was as a cumulative but fragmented process, in which positive and negative experiences of interaction and identification with people and things were searched for their potential to operate as the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes these connections as constructed through interplay between reflexivity and fantasy, as the imagination seeks balance between desires for experiences of belonging, and the complexities of constructing them within the throwntogether context of the contemporary city. The conclusion of the thesis describes the process of imagining community as a reflexive fantasy, that is, as a product of both the critical and fascinated consciousness (Ricoeur, 1994). It suggests that the fascinated consciousness imbues experiences with hope and desire, which the reflexive imagining can turn to disappointment and shame as it critically reflects on the reality of those fascinated projections. At the same time, the reflexive imagination also searches the practices of others for affirmation of those projections, effectively seeking to prove the reality of the fantasy of the imagined community.

Staubkorn im Sandsturm.

Fate of the Jewish physician Karl Goldberg, novel written in 1944. Novel is only partially autobiographical.

Tropical deep convection, convective available potential energy and sea surface temperature

The convective available potential energy (CAFE) based on monthly mean sounding has been shown to be relevant to deep convection in the tropics. The variation of CAFE with SST has been found to be similar to the variation of the frequency of deep convection at one station each in the tropical Atlantic and W. Pacific oceans. This suggests a strong link between the frequency of tropical convection and CAFE. It has been shown that CAFE so derived can be interpreted as the work potential of the atmosphere above the boundary layer with ascent in the convective region and subsidence in the surrounding cloud-free region.

A soja na alimentacao.

Leite de soja; Farinha de soja; Almondegas (I); Almondegas (II); Ambrosia com leite de soja; Arroz de leite de soja; Bife de soja (I); Bife de soja (II); Bife hamburgues; Bolinho de carne com soja; Bolinho frito de soja; Bolinho para cafe; Bolinhos pingados; Bolo de arroz e soja; Bolo de carne; Bolo de fuba escaldado; Bolo de soja; Bombocado de mandioca e soja; Brigadeiro; Cajuzinho; Croquete; Croquete de soja; Croquete simples; Cuscuz de soja; Docinhos de soja; Farofa doce; Farofa "flor de sabugueiro"; Feijao caseiro de soja; Leite de soja; Paezinhos de mandioca com soja; Pao com carne e soja; Panquecas; Pao-de-lo; Pao de soja cozida; Passoquinha; Pastelao de soja; Pate de soja; "Pistache" de soja; Polenta com molho; Pudim; Queijo de soja; Rocambole; Rocambole de soja; Salada de soja; Sobremesa rapida; Sabao de soja.

Cultura do guaranazeiro no Amazonas.

Propagação do guaranazeiro. Produção de mudas. Implantação. Tratos culturais. Podas. Colheita. Despolpamento. Torrefação. Comercialização. Usos.

Sistemas agroflorestais de seringueira com cafeeiro.

Esta publicacao tem por objetivo reunir as informacoes disponiveis na literatura sobre os sistemas agroflorestais de seringueira com cafeeiro, de modo a auxiliar os agricultores e extensionistas nas tomadas de decisoes e servir como referencial para pesquisas futuras nessa area. Sao discutidos os aspectos economicos e tecnicos das culturas, tais como: exigencias de clima e solo, compatibilidade vegetativa e fitossanitaria, materiais geneticos, tipos de sistemas, indice de equivalencia de area e praticas de manejo, visando a viabilidade tecnica e economica das culturas e dos sistemas como um todo.

O desenvolvimento da cafeicultura no cerrado (1999).

A producao de cafe em coco do cerrado aumentou 83 mil para 728 toneladas, enquanto a brasileira passou de 2,5 para 2,8 milhoes de toneladas, entre 1975 e 1996. nesse periodo, as taxas geometricas de crescimento anual da cultura no cerrado foram de 10,9% para a producao e de 5,6% para a rea colhida, ao passo que noconjunto das demais regioes produtoras do Pais essas taxas foram negativas. Os municipios produtores de cafe do cerrado foram agrupados em cinco regioes: Sul/Cerrado Mineiro; Alto Paranaiba; Nordeste Mineiro; Rondonia e Brasilia. Em 1996, a regiao Sul/Cerrado Mineiro produziu 44,0% do cafe do cerrado e possuia o efetivo de 396,6 milhoes de plantas; Alto Paranaiba contribuiu com 47,1% e contava com o efetivo de 343,3 milhoes de plantas; e a Nordeste Mineiro participou com 4,5% com o efetivo de 62,3 milhoes de plantas. Esta foi dividida em tres sub-regioes: Teofilo Otoni; Capelinha; e Montes Claros. A regiao de Rondonia produziu 1,5% e detinha o efetivo de 28,8 milhoes plantas. A de Brasilia participou com 1,7% da producao e seu efetivo era de 16,6 milhoes de plantas, foi dividida em tres sub-regioes: a do Distrito Federal, a Mineira e Cristalina/Catalao/Silvania. Nova regiao produtora esta surgindo com boas perspectivas no Sudoeste baiano.

Seringueira em sistemas agroflorestais.

Consorciacao com culturas de ciclo curto. consorciacao com culturas perenes. seringueira x cafeeiro. sistemas temporarios. Consorciacao do cafeeiro durante a formacao do seringal. Substituicao de cafezal em fim de ciclo por seringal. Sistemas permanentes. Seringal em renques no cafezal. Arborizacao do cafezal com seringueiras. Seringueira x cacaueira. Cacaueira x seringais velhos e desfolhados. Novos plantios consorciados de seringueira x cacaueiro. Seringueira x citros. Substituicao de pomares citricos decadentes por seringais. Consorciacao de citros durante a formacao do eringal. Consorciacao permanente de seringueira x citros. Seringueira x pimenteira-do-reino. Seringueira x palmeiras e plantas menos exigentes de luz. Seringueira x guaranazeiro. Seringueir-ras como componentes de quintais agroflorestais.

O consumo de café expresso no Brasil (2000).

Nos ultimos anos, o consumo mundial de cafe tem-se modificado substancialmente. Observa-se crescente procura por produtos de boa qualidade, tornando possivel a segmentacao do mercado com produtos de alto valor agregado. As projecoes indicam que o consumo mundial de cafe para o ano 2010 sera de 120 milhoes de sacas, sendo 70% da especie arabica e 30%, da robusta. Do consumo total estimado, 15% sao de cafes especiais, ou seja: cerca de 18 milhoes de sacas (Anuario Estatistico do Cafe, 1998). O conjunto de cafes especiais engloba, principalmente, as seguintes classes: expresso, organico, ecologico, descafeinado, aromatizado e cappuccino. O cafe expresso e um dos principais responsaveis pelo crescimento do segmento de cafes especiais. Seu consumo tomou impulso no Brasil a partir da decada de 1980, com a proliferacao de shopping centers por todo o Pais. Atualmente, domina boa parte do mercado interno nas principais cidades brasileiras, ocupando aproximadamente 100% dos pontos de vendas em shopping centers e em cafeterias (coffee-shops). Mesmo em restaurantes e padarias, tradicionais usuarios do cafe de coador, o expresso conquistou um espaço importante. O trabalho visa a analisar as informacoes estatisticas existentes no agronegocio do cafe com enfase no cafe expresso. Teve como referencias: informacoes de 1991 e 1997, obtidas da base de dados da InterScience - Informacao e Tecnologia Aplicada; pesquisa realizada pela Associacao Brasileira da Industria de Cafe (ABIC), em 1998, observando o perfil da industrializacao e da producao de cafe expresso; e Anuario Estatistico do Cafe (1998 e 1999). Com base nas informacoes estatisticas de consumo, industrializacao e participacao brasileira na producao e observando os dados de producao de cafes especiais, fez-se uma sintese das informacoes estatisticas existentes no agronegocio do cafe, para visualizar, com base na situacao atual, as perspectivas de mercado para o consumo do cafe expresso no Brasil. Esse consumo tem dado sinais de recuperacao nos ultimos anos visto que no periodo de 1990 a 1998 passou de 8,2 para 12,5 milhoes de sacas, aumentando 52,3%. O agronegocio do cafe brasileiro tem uma crescente oportunidade nos mercados interno e externo para o cafe expresso. Seus agentes devem estar atentos a esse importante mercado com perspectivas de expansao nos proximos anos. O aumento nos investimentos em marketing e necessario para criar o habito de adquirir produtos de boa qualidade, aumentando o mercado do cafe expresso que atualmente responde por 5% do consumo de cafe no Brasil.