The burden of cancer in member countries of the association of southeast asian nations (ASEAN)

This paper presents the most recent data on cancer rates and the burden of cancer in the ASEAN region. Epidemiological data were sourced from GLOBOCAN 2008 and disability adjusted life years (DALYs) lost were estimated using the standard methodology developed within the World Health Organization's Global Burden of Disease study. Overall, it was estimated there were over 700,000 new cases of cancer and 500,000 cancer deaths in ASEAN in the year 2008, leading to approximately 7.5 million DALYs lost in one year. The most commonly diagnosed cancers were lung (98,143), breast (86,842) and liver cancers (74,777). The most common causes of cancer death were lung cancer (85,772), liver cancer (69,115) and colorectal cancer (44,280). The burden of cancer in terms of DALYs lost was highest in Laos, Viet Nam and Myanmar and lowest in Brunei, Singapore and the Philippines. Significant differences in the patterns of cancer from country to country were observed. Another key finding was the major impact played by population age distribution on cancer incidence and mortality. Cancer rates in ASEAN are expected to increase with ageing of populations and changes in lifestyles associated with economic development. Therefore, ASEAN member countries are strongly encouraged to put in place cancer-control health carepolicies, focussed on strengthening the health systems to cope with projected increases in cancer prevention, treatment and management needs.

World architecture 1900-2000 : A critical mosaic : Southeast Asia and Oceania [Volume 10]

"World Architecture records the major architectural contributions made in all regions of the world to the development of human culture. Grouped into 10 geographical regions and representing five twenty-year-periods, the buildings have been selected by approximately 80 eminent international architectural critics. Each volume contains 100 buildings from one particular region, each object accompanied by an analytical text as well as by drawings and photographs. Introduction essays by the general editor, Kenneth Frampton, and the editor(s) of each volume complete the survey. The series comprises 10 volumes. The books are handsome, linen-bound and stitched, generously formatted (21,5 x 28,5 cm/8,4 x 11 inches) and contain approx. 300 pages and 400 colour prints each. This unique project gives the most precise and authoritative description of 1000 of the century's most notable buildings. Countries: Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, The Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam and Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, and Oceania."

Creative destruction: The Trans-Pacific Partnership, jobs, and labor rights

In the United States, there has been a fierce debate over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and its impact upon jobs, employment, and labor rights and standards. This sweeping trade agreement spans the Pacific Rim, and includes such countries as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Mexico, Peru, Chile, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Brunei, and Japan. There has been concern over the secrecy surrounding the Trans-Pacific Partnership — particularly in respect of labor rights.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership, the environment, and climate change

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a sweeping, plurilateral free-trade agreement spanning the Pacific Rim.The ongoing, secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, Canada, Mexico and the United States. There has also been some discussion as to whether Japan should be included in the negotiations.

Phylogeny of the Rhyparini and the new tribe Stereomerini, with descriptions of new genera and species (Coleoptera; Scarabaeidae; Aphodiinae)

A new tribe, the Stereomerini, is established for four unusual genera: Stereomera Arrow, Termitaxis Krikken, Australoxenella n.gen., and Bruneixenus n.gen. The previously described genera are monotypic, as is Bruneixenus, the type species being B. squamosus n.sp. from Brunei. Australoxenella contains two new species, A. humptydooensis, type species, and A. bathurstensis, both from the Northern Territory, Australia. The relationships of the new tribe are analyzed and compared with the most closely related tribe, the Rhyparini, in the Aphodiinae. The tribe Rhyparini is redefined, and the genus Notocaulus Quedenfeldt is transferred to the Eupariini. A key to genera in both the Stereomerini and the Rhyparini is presented, important characters are illustrated, a cladogram is given, and convergence is discussed.

Population genetic evidence for the east–west division of the narrow-barred Spanish mackerel (Scomberomorus commerson, Perciformes: Teleostei) along Wallace’s Line

Mitochondrial DNA D-loop (control) region (426-bp) was used to infer the genetic structure of Spanish mackerel (Scomberomorus commerson) from populations in Southeast Asia (Brunei, East and West Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, and China) and northern Australia (including western Timor). An east–west division along Wallace’s Line was strongly supported by a significant AMOVA, with 43% of the total sequence variation partitioned among groups of populations. Phylogenetic and network analyses supported two clades: clade A and clade B. Members of clade A were found in Southeast Asia and northern Australia, but not in locations to the west (Gulf of Thailand) or north (China). Clade B was found exclusively in Southeast Asia. Genetic division along Wallace’s Line suggests that co-management of S. commerson populations for future sustainability may not be necessary between Southeast Asian nations and Australia, however all countries should share the task of management of the species in Southeast Asia equally. More detailed genetic studies of S. commerson populations in the region are warranted.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Fish products of 6 Asian countries

The paper gives an overview of the 11 main categories of fish products resulting from the survey in Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand.

Inserción de América Latina en la región de Asia-Pacífico: estrategias unilaterales y multilaterales. Estudio de caso: Alianza del Pacífico

La investigación aborda el tema de la inserción de América Latina en la región de Asia Pacífico, en el caso de la Alianza del Pacífico. A partir de la revisión de las estrategias unilaterales de inserción de Chile, Colombia, México y Perú, y de la estrategia multilateral de la Alianza, se analiza la articulación entre ambas. Al respecto se sostiene que el bloque en cuestión cuenta con un bajo grado de articulación, sin desconocer su potencial para convertirse en puente entre sus Estados miembros y Asia Pacífico.

Colombia y el transpacific partnership agreement

Colombia, a partir de 1990, inicia un plan de gobierno enfocado en la apertura económica, con estrategias que propugnaban por un cambio en el modelo económico a través de políticas como la reducción de aranceles a las importaciones y otra serie de medidas proteccionistas, flexibilización laboral, la reducción del papel del Estado para darle protagonismo al sector privado y procesos de privatización de empresas públicas En este entorno internacional se ha adquirido conciencia de que, en un mundo globalizado y cada vez más interdependiente, no puede haber espacio para “aventuras solitarias de Estados soberanos”, lo que justifica la proliferación de organizaciones multilaterales en América Latina y el Caribe en la última década. Recientemente Colombia ha mostrado su interés en entrar a formar parte de un bloque económico de gran relevancia a nivel internacional: el "Transpacific Partnership Agreement" (TPP); tratado integrado por: Canadá, Estados Unidos, México, Perú, Chile, Japón, Vietnam, Malasia, Singapur, Brunei, Australia y Nueva Zelanda, representando el 35% del PIB mundial y el 11% de la población. El presente trabajo pretende presentar una visión objetiva del TPP, generando el espacio para la libre interpretación de sus beneficios o perjuicios. Para ello, se analiza el estado actual del TPP con sus principales indicadores, su desempeño en los últimos años y las relaciones diplomáticas y los flujos comerciales entre Colombia y los países miembros del mismo.

Los niños y el medio ambiente.

Se celebran Conferencias Internacionales sobre Medio Ambiente en distintas ciudades del mundo, un tema que preocupa a los gobiernos de muchos países. Se presentan trabajos y se realizan talleres prácticos y excursiones de campo. Se presentan y debaten proyectos que abarcan desde el medio ambiente y la gestión del agua, a la biodiversidad, los espacios naturales, los recursos y su aprovechamineto o los vertidos y el reciclado de residuos. Además, se editan revistas como Leave it to us, promovida por el Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente (PNUMA). Así, en países como Tunicia o Brunei, los gobiernos han convertido la educación ambiental en parte del programa escolar; organizan concursos de dibujo, fotografía y ensayo; y promueven programas de radio y televisión para niños sobre el medio ambiente. En cuanto a las mejoras, se proponen talleres más prácticos, sesiones nocturnas mejor organizadas o un taller para pioneros medioambientales.

Comercio exterior: Exportaciones e importaciones según destino y origen por principales zonas económicas. 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995-2002

Incluye Bibliografía

The new Australasian goblin spider genus Prethopalpus (Araneae, Oonopidae)

The new goblin spider genus Prethopalpus is restricted to the Australasian tropics, from the lower Himalayan Mountains in Nepal and India to the Malaysian Peninsula, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Australia. Prethopalpus contains those species with a swollen palpal patella, which is one to two times the size of the femur, together with a cymbium and bulb that is usually separated, although it is largely fused in four species. The type species Opopaea fosuma Burger et al. from Sumatra, and Camptoscaphiella infernalis Harvey and Edward from Western Australia are newly transferred to Prethopalpus. The genus consists of 41 species of which 39 are newly described: P. ilam Baehr (♂, ♀) from Nepal; P. khasi Baehr (♂), P. madurai Baehr (♂), P. mahanadi Baehr (♂, ♀), and P. meghalaya Baehr (♂, ♀) from India; P. bali Baehr (♂), P. bellicosus Baehr and Thoma (♂, ♀), P. brunei Baehr (♂, ♀), P. deelemanae Baehr and Thoma (♂), P. java Baehr (♂, ♀), P. kranzae Baehr (♂), P. kropfi Baehr (♂, ♀), P. leuser Baehr (♂, ♀), P. magnocularis Baehr and Thoma (♂), P. pahang Baehr (♂), P. perak Baehr (♂, ♀), P. sabah Baehr (♂, ♀), P. sarawak Baehr (♂), P. schwendingeri Baehr (♂, ♀), and P. utara Baehr (♂, ♀) from Indonesia and Malaysia; and P. alexanderi Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. attenboroughi Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. blosfeldsorum Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. boltoni Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. callani Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. cooperi Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. eberhardi Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. framenaui Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. humphreysi Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. kintyre Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. scanloni Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. pearsoni Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. julianneae Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. maini Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. marionae Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. platnicki Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀), P. oneillae Baehr and Harvey (♂), P. rawlinsoni Baehr and Harvey (♂), and P. tropicus Baehr and Harvey (♂, ♀) from Australia and Papua New Guinea. Three separate keys to species from different geographical regions are provided. Most species are recorded from single locations and only three species are more widely distributed. A significant radiation of blind troglobites comprising 14 species living in subterranean ecosystems in Western Australia is discussed. These include several species that lack abdominal scuta, a feature previously used to define subfamilies of Oonopidae.