961 resultados para Big business


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Under present historical conditions of extreme social inequity, sustained by structural impoverishment, the destruction of living conditions and deterioration of environmental integrity, under the logic of big business, and precisely when the people’s organizations are working intensely in defending creatively human rights and health, academic public health evidences an exasperating passiveness; university departments, local and federal government agencies and even non-governmental organizations, keep implementing ineffective and innocuous health programs -some of them sustained by an expensive propaganda apparatus- that reproduce the same conventional plans, most of which end up reinforcing the rules of the neoliberal game. The present paper seeks to explain this historical surrender of public health; the institutional incapacity to foresee the structural roots of that flourishing pathology of inequity; and its divorce from the struggle of the most progressive social organizations. To accomplish this critique of hegemonic public health, the author analyzes the historical and epistemological roots of that “blindness” and the ideological fundaments of that political passiveness.

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Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

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A partir do edifício teórico braudeliano investiga-se as modalidades de crédito praticadas na cafeicultura paulista, bem como as hierarquias que caracterizaram o seu funcionamento e organização. Lista-se neste artigo uma série de operações de crédito captadas por fontes documentais de diferentes naturezas, buscando subsidiar a discussão sobre a diversidade das formas de obtenção de crédito no espaço em questão. O ponto de nosso argumento é que o interior do estado, especializado na produção de café, joga papel fundamentalmente subordinado na hierarquia e na cadeia do crédito, dominada pelo grande capital cafeeiro, sendo que os mecanismos de concentração da riqueza e das oportunidades se situam mais destacadamente na capital paulista, que, por sua vez, também ocupa posição subordinada em relação aos principais centros capitalistas.

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Includes bibliography

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A luta dos camponeses pela terra no Xingu na virada do século XXI é o foco deste trabalho. Trataremos das formas de organização e luta do campesinato dentro da dinâmica global/local que desembocou na criação da RESEX “Verde para Sempre”, no município de Porto de Moz, no Estado do Pará. É na memória dos grupos sociais e por meio da pesquisa de campo que se buscou a perspectiva camponesa de desenvolvimento, e suas ações e estratégias para permanência em seus territórios diante do avanço do grande capital para o campo a partir da década de 1960 na Amazônia.

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A tese teve como objetivo apresentar a leitura e a análise dos processos que levaram conquistas inéditas às comunidades em Juruti, no baixo amazonas, região localizada no estado do Pará. Juruti foi palco de conflitos, negociações, acordos e conquistas frente ao grande empreendimento de extração mineral desenvolvido pela ALCOA. Essas conquistas são resultados de fatores externos e internos. O externo foi marcado por um conjunto favorável, relacionado ao governo de esquerda no âmbito federal, estadual e municipal; e por um arcabouço institucional jurídico que reconhece os direitos coletivos e territoriais, a emergência da questão ambiental e a presença da Igreja Católica, por meio do trabalho pastoral das Irmãs Franciscanas de Maristella, orientadas pela teologia da libertação e a pedagogia do oprimido. No âmbito interno, prevaleceu o caráter tradicional, a vivência comunitária e as práticas coletivas, como o puxirum, que possibilitaram a constituição de um território organizado e capaz de desencadear processos de mobilização e resistência com a mínima fragmentação e cooptação. O apoio de diferentes contribuições teóricas da sociologia, da antropologia entre outras facilitaram a nossa leitura do processo vivido no território de Juruti, assim como as abordagens do pós-desenvolvimento. A metodologia da pesquisa é de natureza exploratória, descritiva e explicativa, articulada com técnicas de campo como: a coleta de informações e entrevistas com pessoas-chave, documentos de empresa, comunidades, Igreja Católica e outros. Tal procedimento buscou compreender os discursos empreendidos pelos autores presentes em Juruti. Identificamos a estreita relação da Igreja com movimentos e grupos que encamparam a luta na região de Juruti junto a ALCOA, por meio da Congregação das Irmãs Franciscana de Maristella, em virtude da sua história de inserção no local, e de sua opção em defesa da tradicionalidade das comunidades. Também percebemos um governo favorável, aberto ao diálogo, à existência de uma conjuntura política favorável; a preocupação da sociedade global com o meio ambiente; a existência de um arcabouço jurídico com o reconhecimento de direitos institucionalizados, como os direitos territoriais. Com tal abordagem, conclui-se que diante das múltiplas ações dos grandes projetos é preciso articular oportunidades e potencialidades de forma a buscar os caminhos de superação da invisibilidade atribuída às comunidades pelo Estado e grandes empreendimentos econômicos. Os aspectos organizativos em Juruti, assim como sua articulação, levaram à superação dos mecanismos de dominação, padronização e invisibilidade das comunidades tradicionais na Amazônia.

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O texto de dissertação intitulado “O Público e o Privado na condução da Gestão Educacional Pública Brasileira” apresenta como objeto de estudo a gestão da educação pública no contexto do Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR), considerando que tal instrumento é definido atualmente pelo Estado como o norteador das políticas educacionais e pressupomos que nele também se articulam interesses entre os representantes dos setores público e privado. O objetivo geral do estudo é analisar como a relação entre os setores público e privado se apresenta no contexto do Plano de Ações Articuladas. Para a fundamentação teórico-metodológica deste trabalho, consideramos importante o aporte com base no materialismo histórico-dialético, pois se mostra mais adequado à medida que possibilita uma visão crítica sobre a realidade analisada capturando suas contradições, em vista de que pretendemos trabalhar com o conhecimento da realidade documental que envolve a trama em torno do público e do privado na construção da gestão educacional pública. A pesquisa teve como metodologia a análise documental que foi construída num entrelaçamento da apreciação das autoras desta dissertação e à luz de alguns teóricos como Adrião e Camargo (2007), Cury (2013), Pinheiro (2005), Pino (2008), Saviani (2008, 2014), Severino (2014), Vieira (2007, 2010), Vieira e Vidal (2014) os quais tecem observações e fazem interpretações dos documentos que servem de referência a este estudo. De modo geral, os resultados da pesquisa mostraram que as relações e influências dos organismos internacionais são determinantes na formulação das políticas educacionais e das diretrizes e propostas de gestão educacional no contexto brasileiro, no final do século XX e início do século XXI. Mostraram, também, que a disputa entre os setores público e privado se ampliaram e se intensificaram no que concerne à organização da educação básica brasileira, no contexto dos marcos legais que a estruturam. E por fim, a relação entre o público e o privado, por meio do Plano de Ações Articuladas, se configura no âmbito de uma relação de interesses onde predomina o interesse individual de empresários, do qual, a lógica privada é dominante, em detrimento do interesse coletivo da sociedade.

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Pós-graduação em Educação - IBRC

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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This article discusses the policy implications of agricultural modernization implemented by the military - after 1964. This policy, which became known as the Green Revolution, on the one hand contributed to the development of big business, but another caused serious social and environmental impacts. Currently, not only in Brazil but all over the world, have been in a great debate about the need to find alternatives to contain the problems caused to the environment resulting from the use of high technology in the field. One alternative proposed by several researchers is to replace fossil fuels by biofuels. As we believe that the error is in the current model of agricultural production based on mass production, which serves the major markets, the attention in this article, the need to develop an agricultural model designed for small property, with the use of family work and agroecology.

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What a great pleasure it is to welcome you to our campus today. We are so very glad to have you here with us in beef country. I'm sure you are all very well aware beef is big business in our powerhouse agricultural state. And as a connoisseur of the product, let me tell you - it's very good beef!

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During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

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Research to date on the economic development of the Republic of Korea and Taiwan has frequently contrasted the two economies by depicting the former as centered on large-scale enterprises and the latter on small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs). The purpose of this study is to see if the appropriateness of this perception will also be verified by the statistical data. In Section I the authors utilized census data on the Korean and Taiwanese manufacturing sectors to compare the distribution pattern of the sizes of enterprises in the two economies. However, on examining the available data for making this comparison, the authors discovered that for Korea the statistics provided are those at the level of the establishment (a physical unit engaging in industrial activities such as a factory, workshop, office, or mine) while the statistics for Taiwan are those at the enterprise level. Mindful of this difference, the authors looked at the portion of the economy accounted for by large-scale establishments in Korea that employed 500 workers or more and by enterprises in Taiwan employing the same number of workers, and they discovered that the portion that these large-scale businesses account for, especially in the area of output, has steadily declined since the 1980s. When comparing the share of total production that these large-scale establishments/enterprises account for in the two economies, the authors concluded that those in Korea accounted for a larger share of that economy's production than did their counterparts in Taiwan. The authors then compared the portion of the economy accounted for by establishments in Korea and enterprises in Taiwan that employed less than ten workers, and they found that the portion of the two economies that these very small-scale production units accounted for has also been on the decline. Section II compares the portions of the two economies accounted for by large business groups. After comparing the percentage of GDP accounted for by the total sales of these business groups, the authors found that large business groups in Korea have played a far more important role in Korean economy than has been the case for such groups in Taiwan. This difference in the importance of such business groups in the two economies has also played an significant part in fostering the perceived dichotomy of large-scale enterprises playing the important role in Korea versus SMEs being the important players in Taiwan. Section III compares the percentage of total exports accounted for by SMEs, and shows that SMEs in Taiwan account for a larger share of exports than do their counterparts in Korea. This section also shows that in Taiwan the share of export sales for SMEs has consistently exceeded that for non-SMEs, while in Korea the relationship between enterprise size and the rate of export sales has been directly proportional. This difference in the size of the major export players is another factor fostering the perception of the Korean economy being centered on big business while Taiwan's is on SMEs. Although there were difficulties and limitations when comparing the data of the two economies, the statistical comparison undertaken in this study shows that in general big business has played the major role in the development of the Korean economy while in Taiwan's economic development this role has been played by SMEs. Thus the statistical data also verifies the perceived dichotomy of these two economies.

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Med Capital Partners (MCP en adelante) es un empresa de asesoramiento financiero independiente (EAFI) que ofrecerá servicios de asesoramiento personalizado tanto a clientes particulares como a empresas, complementando su oferta con otros servicios auxiliares, que le permitan brindar a sus clientes una solución integral. MCP ha sido fundada por tres socios con formación y experiencia específica en el ámbito objeto del negocio, pero multidisciplinar para ofrecer un amplio espectro de servicios de calidad tanto en la Región de Murcia, donde va a establecer su sede, como en el resto de territorio nacional. MCP se crea con la firme misión de ofrecer servicios de asesoramiento y consulta financieros para la gestión y planificación patrimonial de calidad, de forma independiente y transparente y con la motivación de ser el médico de cabecera financiero de familias, particulares y empresas de todos los ámbitos, basándonos en arraigados valores entre los que predominan la transparencia, la independencia y la discreción. Una vez analizados los factores externos y haber realizado los planes de marketing, operaciones y financiero, nos encontramos en disposición de determinar que: 1.Existe un gran número de clientes potenciales. 2.Los factores político, social y legal favorecen la creación de este tipo de empresas. 3.Hay pocos competidores establecidos hasta la fecha. 4.No necesita complicadas infraestructuras ni requiere elevados gastos de aprovisionamiento. 5.Desde el año 2, se obtienen resultados positivos. La propuesta de valor de MCP está focalizada en ofrecer un servicio de calidad al menor precio posible, fijando una política de tarifas inferior a la media nacional y a la de nuestros competidores más cercanos, así como un esquema de precios descendentes para aquellos clientes que depositen su confianza en nosotros y renueven su contrato de asesoramiento continuado o contraten un combo de servicios. En términos operativos, el establecimiento de MCP requiere relativamente poco capital inicial, permitiendo ofrecer los primeros dividendos a los socios en un corto espacio temporal y teniendo desde el primer momento, un sueldo que les permita dedicarse plenamente al funcionamiento de MCP. En definitiva, creemos que MCP puede dar respuesta a una gran oportunidad de negocio existente en un sector en alza y en un mercado de arranque en el que hay una gran riqueza y poca cultura de inversión asesorada. ---ABSTRACT---Med Capital Partners (MCP) is an invest services company, which is established according to an EAFI structure. MCP will offer a custom-made service not only to individual clients but also to enterprises, with a wide range of supplementary services, including industrial strategy projects and all kind of financial processes demanded. MCP has been founded by three partners with proved training and specific experience based on the financial field but multitask and different between them, in order to offer various quality services in Región de Murcia, where it is going to be based, and also all around Spain. MCP is built with the firm mission of offering assessment and financial consulting quality services, helping with the patrimonial management and planning, doing it in an independent and transparent way, and always driving by the motivation of being the family doctor of individual and enterprise of sectors. To make it possible, MCP has deep values as excellence, wisdom and discretion. Once we have analyzed external factors and having made marketing, operations and financial plans, we are ready to determinate: 1.There is a big amount of potential customers. 2.Political, social and legal factors favor the formation of this type of business. 3.There are not many established competitors until now. 4.MCP does not need complex infrastructures either raised initial investment. 5.From year 2 and on, MCP is profitable. The value proposition of MCP is to focus on developing quality services with affordable fees, fixing a price policy under any other Spanish EAFI. MCP wants to build processes according to reality, working with reachable expectations and on real times. MCP is committed to the creation of stable, sustainable and consistent structures to adapt themselves to the individual risk profile of the customers, taking care of all of them. MCP wants to build a close relationship with clients and has developed a descending fee policy. MCP establishment does not require high initial resources and it is profitable in a short time, allowing investors to get their first dividends. Summarizing, we can say MCP is the answer of a big business opportunity within a rising and wealth market that only need a little help to emerge.

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A Administração Financeira surge no início do século XIX juntamente com o movimento de consolidação das grandes empresas e a formação dos mercados nacionais americano enquanto que no Brasil os primeiros estudos ocorrem a partir da segunda metade do século XX. Desde entãoo país conseguiu consolidar alguns centros de excelência em pesquisa, formar grupo significativo de pesquisadores seniores e expandir as áreas de pesquisa no campo, contudo, ainda são poucos os trabalhos que buscam retratar as características da produtividade científica em Finanças. Buscando contribuir para a melhor compreensão do comportamento produtivo dessa área a presente pesquisa estuda sua produção científica, materializada na forma de artigos digitais, publicados em 24 conceituados periódicos nacionais classificados nos estratos Qualis/CAPES A2, B1 e B2 da Área de Administração, Ciências Contábeis e Turismo. Para tanto são aplicadas a Lei de Bradford, Lei do Elitismo de Price e Lei de Lotka. Pela Lei de Bradford são identificadas três zonas de produtividade sendo o núcleo formado por três revistas, estando uma delas classificada no estrato Qualis/CAPES B2, o que evidencia a limitação de um recorte tendo como único critério a classificação Qualis/CAPES. Para a Lei do Elitismo de Price, seja pela contagem direta ou completa, não identificamos comportamento de uma elite semelhante ao apontado pela teoria e que conta com grande número de autores com apenas uma publicação.Aplicando-se o modelo do Poder Inverso Generalizado, calculado por Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários (MQO), verificamos que produtividade dos pesquisadores, quando feita pela contagem direta, se adequa àquela definida pela Lei de Lotka ao nível de α = 0,01 de significância, contudo, pela contagem completa não podemos confirmar a hipótese de homogeneidade das distribuições, além do fato de que nas duas contagens a produtividade analisada pelo parâmetro n é maior que 2 e, portanto, a produtividade do pesquisadores de finanças é menor que a defendida pela teoria.