Spiritual Kinship, Political Mobilization and Social Cooperation: a Swiss Alpine valley in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?

Dispersión agrícola y cambio social en las Sierras de Córdoba (ca. 1000 a C.- 1600 d C.) Agricultural spread and social change in Córdoba Hills (ca. 1000 b C- 1600 a D.)

El proceso cultural en las Sierras de Córdoba fue habitualmente concebido como marginal con respecto al Noroeste Argentino. Tras el establecimiento del esquema básico de la secuencia prehispánica, a mediados del siglo pasado, se definió una etapa agroalfarera de cronología tardía, que continuaba a una extensa etapa precerámica cuyos límites se aproximaban a la transición Pleistoceno-Holoceno. Se hacía referencia, de este modo, al advenimiento de un modo de vida agrícola y aldeano, que reemplazaba a otro basado en la caza y recolección. Dicha transformación, alternativamente atribuida a la población cazadora local o a una migración de grupos agricultores desde regiones vecinas, se habría consumado hacia 1500 AP, fijando uno de los límites de la dispersión de la agricultura andina. Es necesario destacar la extremada escasez y el carácter indirecto de las evidencias arqueológicas utilizadas para sustentar la ocurrencia de tal proceso. Asimismo, la vigencia de supuestos que han comenzado a mostrar inconsistencias con los resultados de las recientes investigaciones. Entre ellos, principalmente, el que asume que la introducción de la agricultura dio paso a una transformación radical de las sociedades prehispánicas, constituyendo un hito fundamental en su devenir histórico, el comienzo de una nueva etapa. Nuestros últimos estudios en el sector central de las Sierras de Córdoba apuntaron, entre otros objetivos, a reconocer indicadores arqueológicos directos de producción agrícola, así como de la manipulación y consumo de plantas cultivadas. Los primeros resultados nos permiten vislumbrar un escenario complejo que desafía los modelos vigentes. El consumo de maíz, por ejemplo, parece haber antecedido por muchos siglos a la adopción de prácticas agrícolas. El acceso a este cultígeno, sumado a otros elementos, indicaría cambios entre los cazadores-recolectores serranos, promovidos por su integración en redes macrorregionales que los vincularon con sociedades agricultoras de la vertiente oriental andina y quizás del Chaco Santiagueño, por lo menos desde 2500 AP. En definitiva, la agricultura no parece haber sido adoptada rápidamente ni provocado transformaciones profundas e inmediatas en la organización de los grupos prehispánicos. Se ha observado, por el contrario, la incorporación gradual de distintas innovaciones que incluso permiten relacionar la manipulación y más tarde el cultivo de plantas domesticadas, con procesos de intensificación productiva de mayor escala temporal. Uno de nuestros objetivos en este proyecto consiste, básicamente, en profundizar las investigaciones en curso a fin de ampliar el cuerpo de datos con el cual analizar y discutir el problema de la dispersión agrícola en la región. Ello implica el tratamiento de diferentes líneas de evidencia, en particular: 1) la distribución regional de sitios arqueológicos y las modalidades de ocupación de las tierras cultivables; 2) la búsqueda de superficies de cultivo en sitios estratificados; y 3) estudios arqueobotánicos, polínicos y de isótopos estables. Se entiende que no le corresponde a la arqueología asumir apriorísticamente el significado histórico de la introducción de la agricultura, sino establecerlo en cada caso puntual a través de la investigación concreta. Nuestro segundo objetivo consiste, por lo tanto, en delinear los cambios (económicos, tecnológicos, políticos, sociales) que acompañaron al proceso de dispersión agrícola. Ello implica el tratamiento de diferentes problemas, entre otros: 1) las prácticas de apropiación de los recursos silvestres; 2) la continuidad y cambio tecnológico; 3) la movilidad y la articulación microambiental; y 4) los aspectos políticos y sociales ligados a prácticas como la molienda grupal y la producción del arte rupestre. The radical chage of societies from hunter-gatherers to farmers in 1500 BP was considered a milestone whitin the cultural process of pre-hispanic societies in Cordoba Hill. But there is a shortage of archaeological remains to support this change and there are weak hypotheses of absolute transformations. During the last years, our studies carried out on the central area of Cordoba Hill have tried to recognize direct archaeological signs of agriculture production as well as the handling and consumption of crops. The first results show a complex set that challenges the current theoretical models. For example, the corn was probably eatten prior to its adoption for farm practices. Our first main consists in increasing a corpus of data about the spread of agriculture in Cordoba region that we have been researching for the last years. These researches involve different lines of evidence: 1-regional location of archaeological sites and kinds of occupation on cultivable lands; 2-the search for plots at archaeological sites; 3-archaeobotanical, pollen and stable isotopes studies. Our second main consists in outlining changes within the spread of agriculture. It implies to considering different problems: 1-the practices to gatherer wild resources; 2-the continuity and changes of technologies; 3-the mobility and the articulation on the micro-environment; 4-political and social aspects in connection with activities such as groupal grinding and rock art productions.

A Neglected Aspect of Business: Human and Social Capital in the Sri Lankan Tea Plantations

This paper examines idiosyncrasies of tea plantation culture and politics in relation to Sri Lankan national and popular cultural typologies, with special reference to female tea plantation workers. Tea production in Sri Lanka is heavily based on manual labour, and it is the largest industry that provides accommodation for employees and their families. In this paper, it is argued that politico-cultural production relations have dominated labour productivity in tea plantations. Ways in which female workers have been marginalized, through patriarchal politics, ethnicity, religion, education, elitism, and employment are explained. This culture of the plantation community operates negatively with respect to the management agenda. It is also argued that social capital development in tea plantations is important not only for productivity improvement, but also for reasons of political and social obligation for the nation, because migrant plantation workers have been working and living in plantations over 150 years.

La Ciutat, el paisatge i la nació: Una lectura de l'obra de Pere Coromines

Estudi de l’obra de Pere Coromines i del seu pensament polític a través d’aquesta. Se centra en el tractament que fa l’escriptor de temes com ara la nació, la ciutat (Barcelona), la naturalesa, el paisatge, l’Empordà, la Mediterrània. En paraules de l’autor, “en l'obra de Coromines es detecta una tensió entre la temptació de remuntar-se a un paisatge primigeni, natural, no contaminat, i la reivindicació del paper de la Ciutat en la conformació de la Catalunya nacional”

La Percepció republicana del carlisme: Una aproximació a propòsit de Valentí Almirall i Pere Coromines

Repàs de la relació entre el republicanisme i el carlisme a través de la mirada de Valentí Almirall i de Pere Coromines

S. P. Huntington : identitats i geopolítica

Aquest treball té com a propòsit esbrinar quina política internacional legitima S. P. Huntington, i quin paper hi adjudica als Estats Units. En aquest sentit, s'analitza el contingut de la teoria del "xoc de civilitzacions" i es treuen conclusions a partir de l'associació que realitza el politòleg nord-americà entre política internacional i les identitats cultural i religiosa en un món que ell considera marcadament hobbesià o d'esperit agonista.

La Ciutat, el paisatge i la nació: Una lectura de l'obra de Pere Coromines

Estudi de l’obra de Pere Coromines i del seu pensament polític a través d’aquesta. Se centra en el tractament que fa l’escriptor de temes com ara la nació, la ciutat (Barcelona), la naturalesa, el paisatge, l’Empordà, la Mediterrània. En paraules de l’autor, “en l'obra de Coromines es detecta una tensió entre la temptació de remuntar-se a un paisatge primigeni, natural, no contaminat, i la reivindicació del paper de la Ciutat en la conformació de la Catalunya nacional”

La Percepció republicana del carlisme: Una aproximació a propòsit de Valentí Almirall i Pere Coromines

Repàs de la relació entre el republicanisme i el carlisme a través de la mirada de Valentí Almirall i de Pere Coromines

«Corruption» and social and economic criminal law: criminology, criminal policy, political science and law&economics - a new idea about criminal liability of legal entities

Abstract: If we think there is a significant number of legal offshore in the globalized world, then there is not even a global consensus about what «corruption» is. The «illegal corruption» in a country may be legal in another. Moreover, the great global corruption is above the law or above democratic States. And not all democratic States are «Rule of Law». Therefore, the solution is global earlier in time and space law, democratic, free and true law. While the human being does not reach a consensus of what «corruption» really is, the discussion will not go further than a caricature. One of the other problems about «corruption» is that it is very difficult to establish the imputation of crimes, including «corruption» (v.g. Portugal) on some «companies», corporations. We have a juridical problem in the composition of the art. 11. of the Portuguese Penal Code.

The Portuguese programme one laptop per child: political, educational and social impact

In 2008, the XVII Portuguese Constitutional Government launched the ‘e.escolinha’ programme, within the Technological Plan for Education, which set out the distribution of a computer, called ‘Magalhães’, designed for chil-dren attending the 1st cycle of basic education. Suspended in 2011 by the XIX Government, this programme has allowed, however, almost 500 000 children to have access to a personal computer. It was expected that this political measure would “revolutionise” the national education system by bringing changes to the pedagogical practices of teachers and the learning processes of children and by achieving educational success, in general. Based on documental analysis and on a set of interviews with key decision-makers in conceiving, implementing and monitoring this governmental initiative, the fi rst part of this chapter presents and analyses the ‘e.escolinha’ initiative and the policies be-hind that governmental programme, seeking to disassemble those objectives and provide some insights into the relationship between discourses, rhetoric, and reality. After that, the chapter focuses on children’s uses and practices with the ‘Magalhães’ laptop, at school and at home. Based on the results of questionnaires fi lled in by approximately 1500 children from 32 First Cycle public schools of the municipality of Braga (north of Portugal) and also from questionnaires applied to their parents and teachers, this chapter intends to analyse the real impact of this initiative for children, family and school. It also seeks to discuss the contribution of this educational policy to children’s digital literacy and also to their own and their families’ social and digital inclusion. To understand if it represented an added value to teachers’ pedagogical practice is another of its aims. The fi ndings point out a major focus on technology and access rather than on uses and competences or even on social, educational and cultural change. In fact, a major conclusion is the existence of a strong gap between the policy and the practices, typical of a top-down policy design. This study is an integrant part of a research project titled “Navigating with ‘Magalhães’: Study on the Impact of Digital Media in Schoolchildren” conducted at the University of Minho, Portugal, financed by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology [PTDC/CCI-COM/101381/2008] and co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund [COMPETE: FCOMP-01-0124-FEDER-009056].

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

The importance of environmental exposures to physical, mental and social well-being

"Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity" states the WHO. However, the current focus in this important area seems to be on reducing diseases, while less attention is paid on aspects how to increase the well-being of populations. This paper reviews three examples where well-being has drawn attention of the public and policy makers, and compares the policies of two wealthy countries. The first example is noise. Noise can reduce sleep quality and cause physiological, mental, and social effects. In Switzerland, noise receives a lot of attention by the public. Swiss laws are extensive, e.g., they prohibit trucks and planes from traveling at night. In the USA, there is little public attention and no national strategy against environmental noise. The second example is aesthetics and recreation. Many humans seek contact with the beauty of nature. The USA and Switzerland have similar strategies for achieving clear waters, while the protection of scenic views is approached very differently. Lifestyle is the last example. In the USA, the desire for individual freedom is a leading cause for suburban sprawl, a car-dependent sedentary lifestyle resulting in obesity, asthma and loss of community spirit. In Switzerland, a strict land use planning seeks to balance individual and public interests and stresses public transportation, which seems to be a more promising approach. Paying attention to aspects of well-being while developing political strategies might be a promising model to tackle environmental problems. Successful strategies employed so far seem to include the public, local authorities, politicians and scientists in this process, which might have been a key for their success. [Authors]

Corporate Social Responsibility and Shipping Views of Baltic Sea Shipping Companies on the Benefits of Responsibility

The safety of shipping operations in the Baltic Sea is an extensively studied issue due to the density of traffic and the ecological sensitivity of the area. The focus has, however, mainly been on ship technology or on traffic control measures and the operative safety aspect of shipping is in a minor position in maritime safety studies and is lacking in terms of solutions. Self-regulatory and voluntary measures could be effective ways to improve the operational safety of shipping. Corporate social responsibility, or CSR, is one example of a voluntary measure that the shipping companies can take. CSR can enhance maritime safety and improve the shipping companies’ competitiveness. The aim of this study is to increase the knowledge of CSR in the maritime sector and study its applicability and benefits to the shipping companies. The research comprises of a theory part and a questionnaire study, which examine the significance of corporate social responsibility in shipping companies’ maritime safety and competitiveness. The aim of the questionnaire study is to find out how corporate social responsibility is implemented in the shipping companies. According to the literature review, responsible actions can produce financial and time costs, but due to these actions cost savings in the form of learning and increased efficiency can be achieved. Responsible actions can also produce concrete improvements and a reputation of responsibility that can lead to both cost savings and increase in the company’s income. CSR is recognised as having real business benefits in terms of attracting customers and high-quality employees. In shipping, CSR usually focuses on environmental issues. Environmental social responsibility in shipping is mainly motivated by the need to comply with existing and forthcoming regulation. Shipping companies engage in CSR to gain competitive advantage and to increase maritime safety. The social aspects of CSR take into account the well-being and skills of the employees, corporation and other stakeholders of the company. The questionnaire study revealed that the most common CSR measures in shipping companies are environmental measures, and that environmental concerns are considered to be the most important reason to engage in CSR. From the preliminary question about the concept of CSR it can also be seen that safety issues are commonly considered to be a part of CSR and safety gains are the second most important reason to engage in CSR. From the questionnaire, it can also be extrapolated that gaining a better reputation is one of the most important reasons to engage in CSR in the first place. For example, the main economic benefit was seen to be the increase of customer numbers as a result of a better reputation. Based on the study, it would seem that companies are starting to realise that they might gain competitive advantage and be favoured as shippers if they engage in sustainable, responsible operations and present themselves as “green”.