990 resultados para Anti-capitalist movement
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Neste trabalho abordamos a intervenção nativista de alguns intelectuais africanos de Cabo Verde com o objectivo de clarificar o seu significado e alcance político. Apesar do seu empenho na defesa dos cabo-verdianos contra a opressão colonial portuguesa, aqueles intelectuais não conseguiriam gerar um movimento anti-colonial capaz de conduzir a colónia à independência, mas deixaram às novas gerações um legado político e cultural que lhes permitiu assegurar a luta pela preservação da sua identidade nacional e, finalmente, alcançar a emancipação de Cabo Verde da dominação colonial. In this paper we discuss the nativist intervention of some African intellectuals in Cape Verde in order to clarify its meaning and political reach. Despite its commitment to the protection of Cape Verdeans against the Portuguese colonial oppression, those intellectuals would not be able to generate an anti-colonial movement capable of leading the colony to independence, but they left a political and cultural legacy to future generations that allowed them to fight for the preservation of their national identity and finally achieve emancipation from colonial domination in Cape Verde. Dans ce travail, nous discutons l'intervention nativiste de certains intellectuels africains au Cap-vert afin de clarifier son éssence et sa portée politique. En dépit de son engagement à protéger les Cap-verdiens contre l'oppression coloniale portugaise, ces intellectuels ne seraient pas en mesure de bâtir un mouvement anticolonial capable de conduire la colonie à l'indépendance, mais ont laissé un héritage politique et culturel aux nouvelles générations qui leur a permis de lutter pour la préservation de leur identité nationale et de parvenir enfin à l'émancipation de la domination coloniale au Cap-vert.
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Neste trabalho abordamos a intervenção nativista de alguns intelectuais africanos de Cabo Verde com o objectivo de clarificar o seu significado e alcance político. Apesar do seu empenho na defesa dos cabo-verdianos contra a opressão colonial portuguesa, aqueles intelectuais não conseguiriam gerar um movimento anti-colonial capaz de conduzir a colónia à independência, mas deixaram às novas gerações um legado político e cultural que lhes permitiu assegurar a luta pela preservação da sua identidade nacional e, finalmente, alcançar a emancipação de Cabo Verde da dominação colonial.
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On 10 February 1927, the "First International Congress against Imperialism and Colonialism" in Brussels marked the establishment of the anti-imperialist organisation, the League against Imperialism and for National Independence (LAI, 1927-37). The complex preparations for the congress were though initiated already in 1925 by Willi Münzenberg, a German communist and General Secretary of the communist mass organisation, Internationale Arbeiterhilfe (IAH, 1921-35), together with the Communist International (Comintern, 1919-43). Berlin was the centre for the LAI and its International Secretariat (1927-33), a city serving the intentions of the communists to find colonial émigré activists in the Weimar capital, acting as representatives for the anti-colonial movement in Europe after the Great War. With the ascendancy to power of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) on 30 January 1933, the LAI reached an abrupt, but nonetheless, expected end in Berlin. This doctoral thesis examines the role, pu rpose and functions of a sympathising communist organization (LAI): to act as an intermediary for the Comintern to the colonies. The analysis evaluates the structure and activities of the LAI, and by doing so, establish a complex understanding on one of the most influential communist organisations during the interwar period, which, despite its short existence, assumed a nostalgic reference and historical bond for anti-colonial movements during the transition from colonialism to post-colonialism after the Second World War, e.g. the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955. Fredrik Petersson’s study, based on archives in Moscow, Berlin, Amsterdam, London, and Stockholm, uncovers why the Comintern established and supported the LAI and its anti-imperialist agenda, disclosing a complicated undertaking, characterised by conflict and the internal struggle for power, involving structural constraints and individual ambitions defined by communist ideology and strategy.
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This thesis uses a multifaceted process to engage with the topic of food sovereignty in California. It employs diverse methods, including critical and creative prose, photography, autoethnographic mixed media, storytelling and poetry. I am particularly concerned with the " " challenges of approaching food sovereignty, a radical praxis that combines subsistence practices with anti-capitalist resistance, while in my own "skin," which is thoroughly embedded in white, urban, middle classed culture and in corltextualizing ecological relationshipslkinships via cultural, historical and economic trajectories. The project utilizes a processual methodlology drawing substantially from the work of Brian Massumi to explore these issues through four creative narrative pieces which coalesce around the elemental metaphors of air, fire, water and earth. Following Deleuze and Guatarri's concept ofrhizomatic plateaus, the thesis narratives are comprised of many non-hierarchical layers and can be read from many angles. Each is offered "in process" rather than as a finished piece, thus practically validating the concept of the ongoing work of research and suggesting the equally omnipresent possibility of change and mutation in the formation relationally based knowledges. Cultivating ecological ethic and healing on multisensory levels, as well as commitment to emergent and re-productivist worldviews are goals of this project's research.
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This thesis explores the connection between the historical and social construction of madness in relation to how society currently views madness and schizophrenia. The anti-psychiatry movement has been outlined using the work of anti-psychiatrists David Cooper, R. D. Laing and Franco Basaglia. Foucault’s work regarding madness and the asylum is also reviewed to give an overarching analysis of madness, including analysis of its creation. With the help of Basaglia, madness as class warfare and social disease are explored. By connecting this analysis to the medicalization of schizophrenia and the use of counter-narratives, this thesis uses the work of Deleuze and Guattari to illustrate how mental illness can be redefined through deterritorialization, reterritorialization and lines of flight. Specifically, this thesis uses a Foucauldian textual analysis to examine self-narratives of schizophrenia including, the films A Beautiful Mind and The Best of Youth, and the books Two Accounts of a Journey Through Madness, The Center Cannot Hold and Living With Voices. These self-narratives illustrate the importance of considering an individual’s voice when determining treatment options for mental illness. Overall, a shift in thinking is needed. The findings suggest self-help groups are not enough on their own and should be combined with medical intervention. Self-narratives are an important step in the recovery process as it allows one to come to terms with their voice hearing experiences. As well, self-narratives are useful in the treatment process as a tool that can help to redefine dominant conceptualizations of schizophrenia and mental illness today.
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Cette thèse par articles porte sur le processus de constitution de la communauté de mouvement social antiautoritaire au Québec, entre 2000 et 2010. Partant du constat de l’évolution de cet acteur politique d’inspiration anarchiste dans la province au cours de cette période, la thèse interroge les facteurs qui ont favorisé sa construction progressive autour de composantes diversifiées. Telles qu’elles se révèlent au grand jour vers la fin de la décennie, les composantes de cette communauté de mouvement social sont en effet hétérogènes au regard des enjeux qui retiennent leur attention, mais convergent néanmoins dans l’adoption de positions politiques, de stratégies d’action et de modes organisationnels caractéristiques de la perspective antiautoritaire contemporaine. Bien que l’environnement politique général dans lequel intervient la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec ait influencer son développement, la thèse démontre que les dynamiques internes à cette communauté sont celles qui ont assuré la pérennité de cet acteur politique en favorisant l’intégration de la diversité qui s’est exprimée en son sein au cours de la période étudiée. Le fait d’appréhender le mouvement antiautoritaire sous l’angle conceptuel de la communauté de mouvement social permet ainsi d’aborder le développement de cet acteur politique dans la continuité, au-delà des seuls moments publics d’interaction avec les autorités. Ce faisant, cette approche met également en lumière les facteurs endogènes qui ont contribué à son développement. Dans la lignée des travaux sur les mouvements sociaux qui proposent une perspective théorique synthétique liant la considération des aspects structurels et culturels dans l’analyse, l’étude du processus de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec fait ressortir le rôle des dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans ce phénomène. Cette thèse par articles contribue à cette perspective théorique par l’application de l’approche mécanistique dans l’étude des mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci met en relief, d’une part, l’interaction de ces dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans la constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire et documente, d’autre part, les dynamiques qui leur sont inhérentes. Le passage graduel du mouvement antiautoritaire vers la configuration de communauté de mouvement social a ainsi été marqué, d’une part, par un processus de constitution organisationnelle qui a interagi avec le processus de démarcation identitaire en cours au sein du mouvement. D’autre part, la communauté antiautoritaire a pu se développer entre 2000 et 2010 grâce à un processus de conciliation identitaire réalisé par le travail identitaire des militants et des militantes. Ces processus ont favorisé la construction d’une identité collective fondée sur la lutte contre la pluralité des formes d’oppression, exprimée à la fois dans le discours et dans les pratiques des acteurs de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec. La démonstration analytique proposée dans cette thèse repose sur une approche méthodologique de recherche-action participative combinant observation participante, analyse d’entretiens et étude de sources documentaires. L’interprétation empirique de la communauté antiautoritaire est basée sur un projet réalisé conjointement avec le Collectif de recherche sur l’autonomie collective (CRAC) de l’Université Concordia, à Montréal.
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Forest is essential for the healthy subsistence of human being on earth. Law has been framed to regulate exploitation of forest.This study is an analysis of the law relating to forest from an environmental perspective.Practical suggestions are also made for the better protection of forest .Forest is a valuable component of human environment.For healthy subsistence of human beings on earth it is essential that at least one third of the land area on earth should be under forest cover. Forest helps in keeping air and water fresh and climate good.The Indian Forest Act 1927 and State legislation relating to forest impose Governmental control over forests by classifying them into reserved forests. Protected forests and village forests.Effective environmental impact studies facilitate adoption of the practice of sustainable development.Permission should not be granted for a project before examination of its impact on the flora and fauna in forest.Kerala, much of the vested forest remains under the control of the State Government and are managed like reserved forests.Infrastructural facilities require improvement in almost all States for protecting forest.Inter-State problems can be minimised if a central forest legislation is applied uniformly throughout India.Voluntary organisations should be encouraged to taxe part actively in the programmes for conserving forest and wildlife.The new Forest Act should provide for effective environmental impact study before development projects are undertaken in forest areas. The guidelines for this should be clearly laid down in the Act.The law relating to forest should also clearly lay down the guidelines for implementing social forestry programmes. The Forest Department should be authorised to lease lands for planting useful trees. The new forest legislation should also recognise the traditional tribal rights in forest. The Indian Forest Act 1927 and the State legislation relating to forest with their outdated revenue policy and scheme should be replaced by such a new forest legislation framed with an environmental peres-pective. The new law should be uniformly applied throughout India .
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Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.
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Se analiza la relación entre movimientos sociales y nuevos medios en Colombia, preguntando en particular por las posibilidades narrativas que tienen los movimientos sociales en el nuevo espacio comunicativo abierto por internet. Para ello, se lleva a cabo un estudio descriptivo del relato elaborado en la red social Twitter por activistas virtuales del movimiento de indignación surgido en Bogotá tras la destitución del alcalde mayor, Gustavo Petro, a finales de 2013. Se encontró que Twitter fue un espacio esencialmente de disputa. El relato del movimiento fue construido en permanente contrapunteo no solo con las informaciones de los medios de comunicación tradicionales y las intervenciones de los líderes políticos, sino también con expresiones ciudadanas rivales, que se movilizaron paralelamente en la misma red social en un ejercicio de contestación. Esta investigación emplea como marco analítico la “autocomunicación de masas” propuesta por Manuel Castells.
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Fracking in England has been the subject of significant controversy and has sparked not only public protest but also an associated framing war with differing social constructions of the technology adopted by different sides. This article explores the frames and counter-frames which have been employed by both the anti-fracking movement and by government and the oil and gas industry. It then considers the way in which the English planning and regulatory permitting systems have provided space for these frames within the relevant machinery for public participation. The article thus enables one to see which frames have been allowed a voice and which have been excluded.
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Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will presents a new work combining film, music and installation that juxtaposes the setting of the institution with the aesthetics of psychedelia.Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will is an installation, film and sound work that takes over the gallery. Using plain white card, it distorts the structure of the gallery’s architecture, producing a paranoid shrunken space. Inside this space, performers in cardboard costumes re-enact abstracted, broken gestures drawn from video documentation of acid trips, psychedelic dancing, rehab sessions and radical psychotherapy workshops. Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will has been formed through Pil and Galia Kollectiv’s research into the anti-psychiatry movement, their interests in counter cultural movements and their studies around biopolitics and the proliferation of societal medication. In 1958, having had a life changing experience with LSD, former alcoholic Charles Dederich founded Synanon, a drug rehabilitation program based on residential care and an aggressive form of group therapy called ‘The Game’. The organisation gradually evolved into a controversial alternative community, described in a critical pamphlet as creating Strategic Sanctuaries for the Destruction of Free Will, “a subversive program for mixing delinquents and lefties”. In 1984, anti-psychiatrist R. D. Laing described tranquillizers as chemical straight jackets. With our growing understanding of the plasticity of the brain and the potential to shape it, the tension between liberation and control in the struggle over the mind continues to define our relationship to labour, culture and production. Interrogating these ideas, the exhibition poses the question of whether a collective body can overcome the solipsism of the incommunicable experience of the individual mind.
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My research aims to understand how and why fundamentalists justify violence against people who do not fit their profile of "righteous" or "saved" persons, such as abortion doctors and clinic workers, gays and lesbians, and Jews. The first section of this paper travels through the history of fundamentalism since its origins in the British and American apocalipticism, or belief in the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. However, my history of Protestant Fundamentalism in the United States will focus on the ways in which Fundamentalism developed in response to many changes in American social structure. I interpret Fundamentalism as an anti-modern movement seeking to reassert "traditional" Christian values.
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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose
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Mental Health, in the form of the Psychiatric Reform, and the Anti-Asylum Movement do not ignore the production of knowledge about that field, mainly due to the consolidation of Public Health as a field of knowledge. The article explores some authors who consider Mental Health as a new field of knowledge, introducing a new paradigm in the perception of health - Disease and Care -; however, the goal is to introduce Psychosocial Care as a means to enforce the transdisciplinary and multiprofessional practices. The possibility is that mental health produces developments in Health, consolidating the public policies. In practice, the hospital-centered and drug-based model still predominates, and there are setbacks to be overcome by taking advantage of loopholes capable of breaking with what is instituted.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)