922 resultados para Alliance Boots


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The pressures placed on the natural, environmental, economic, and cultural sectors from continued growth, population shifts, weather and climate, and environmental quality are increasing exponentially in the southeastern U.S. region. Our growing understanding of the relationship of humans with the marine environment is leading us to explore new ecosystem-based approaches to coastal management, marine resources planning, and coastal adaptation that engages multiple state jurisdictions. The urgency of the situation calls for coordinated regional actions by the states, in conjunction with supporting partners and leveraging a diversity of resources, to address critical issues in sustaining our coastal and ocean ecosystems and enhancing the quality of life of our citizens. The South Atlantic Alliance (www.southatlanticalliance.org) was formally established on October 19, 2009 to “implement science-based policies and solutions that enhance and protect the value of coastal and ocean resources of the southeastern United States which support the region's culture and economy now and for future generations.” The Alliance, which includes North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, will provide a regional mechanism for collaborating, coordinating, and sharing information in support of resource sustainability; improved regional alignment; cooperative planning and leveraging of resources; integrated research, observations, and mapping; increased awareness of the challenges facing the South Atlantic region; and inclusiveness and integration at all levels. Although I am preparing and presenting this overview of the South Atlantic Alliance and its current status, there are a host of representatives from agencies within the four states, universities, NGOs, and ongoing southeastern regional ocean and coastal programs that are contributing significant time, expertise, and energy to the success of the Alliance; information presented herein and to be presented in my oral presentation was generated by the collaborative efforts of these professionals. I also wish to acknowledge the wisdom and foresight of the Governors of the four states in establishing this exciting regional ocean partnership. (PDF contains 4 pages)

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This paper introduces a new version of the multiobjective Alliance Algorithm (MOAA) applied to the optimization of the NACA 0012 airfoil section, for minimization of drag and maximization of lift coefficients, based on eight section shape parameters. Two software packages are used: XFoil which evaluates each new candidate airfoil section in terms of its aerodynamic efficiency, and a Free-Form Deformation tool to manage the section geometry modifications. Two versions of the problem are formulated with different design variable bounds. The performance of this approach is compared, using two indicators and a statistical test, with that obtained using NSGA-II and multi-objective Tabu Search (MOTS) to guide the optimization. The results show that the MOAA outperforms MOTS and obtains comparable results with NSGA-II on the first problem, while in the other case NSGA-II is not able to find feasible solutions and the MOAA is able to outperform MOTS. © 2013 IEEE.

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A new version of the Multi-objective Alliance Algorithm (MOAA) is described. The MOAA's performance is compared with that of NSGA-II using the epsilon and hypervolume indicators to evaluate the results. The benchmark functions chosen for the comparison are from the ZDT and DTLZ families and the main classical multi-objective (MO) problems. The results show that the new MOAA version is able to outperform NSGA-II on almost all the problems.

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Jackson, Peter, and Joe Maiolo, 'Strategic intelligence, Counter-Intelligence and Alliance Diplomacy in Anglo-French relations before the Second World War', Military History (2006) 65(2) pp.417-461 RAE2008

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Priest, Andrew, Kennedy, Johnson and NATO: Britain, America and the Dynamics of Alliance, 1962-68 (New York: Routledge, 2006), wpp.xiv+222 RAE2008

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Article is available at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17439884.2015.1064953.

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About Aeonio-Euphorbion canariensis Sundíng 1972, correct alliance name against Kleinio-Euphorbion canariense Rivas Goday & Esteve 1965

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The alliance Agrostio-Stipion giganteae has remained invalid till now, because the various conditions for valid publication have not been simultaneously fulfilled across a relatively long number of works concerning the syntaxon and their subordinate associations.

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Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership’s alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle.

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This article traces the strategic re-orientation of the Spanish Greens (Los Verdes) from a position of hostility toward the Socialists (PSOE) to one of collaboration that allowed them to gain parliamentary representation in the 2004 national and European elections. Drawing upon insights from the party politics literature, it schematizes a model and then proceeds to use it to provide a diachronic account of factionalist conflict within the ranks of the Greens and their close competitors, the structure of political opportunities, exogenous factors and their interrelationship, up to the point of the electoral agreement between the two parties. In concludes by highlighting the role played by the Madrid bombings in bringing the PSOE back into power and offers some projections about the future institutional access of the Greens.