An Introduction to Political Communication, 5th Edition

An Introduction to Political Communication introduces students to the complex relationship between politics, the media and democracy in the United Kingdom, United States and other contemporary societies. Brian McNair examines how politicians, trade unions, pressure groups, NGOs and terrorist organisations make use of the media. Individual chapters look at political media and their effects, the work of political advertising, marketing and public relations, and the communicative practices of organizations at all levels, from grass-root campaigning through to governments and international bodies. This fifth edition has been revised and updated to include: • the 2008 US presidential election, and the early years of Barack Obama’s term • the MPs’ expenses scandal in Britain, and the 2010 UK election campaign • the growing role of bloggers and online pundits such as Guido Fawkes in the political agenda setting process • the emergence of social media platforms such as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook, and their destabiising impact on the management of political crises all over the world, including the Iranian pro-reform protests of July 2009 and the Israeli atack on the anti-blockade flotilla of May 2010 • the growing power of Wikileaks and other online information sources to challenge state control of classified information

Media pressures and corporate disclosure of social responsibility performance information : a study of two global clothing and sports retail companies

This paper investigates the social and environmental disclosure practices of two large multinational companies, specifically Nike and Hennes&Mauritz. Utilising a joint consideration of legitimacy theory and media agenda setting theory, we investigate the linkage between negative media attention, and positive corporate social and environmental disclosures. Our results generally support a view that for those industry‐related social and environmental issues attracting the greatest amount of negative media attention, these corporations react by providing positive social and environmental disclosures. The results were particularly significant in relation to labour practices in developing countries – the issue attracting the greatest amount of negative media attention for the companies in question.

Personality disorders

This chapter explains the main categories of personality disorders and their diagnosis.Nursing interventions are described, and challenges working with people who have personality disorders are discussed.Limitations in our understanding of personality disorders, and problems of categorisation, diagnosis and treatment are also discussed.

Voice, deliberation, resistance and persuasion through networked journalism

The pervasive use of the World Wide Web by the general population has created a cultural shift in “our living world”. It has enabled more people to share more information about more events and issues in the world than was possible before its general use. As a consequence, it has transformed traditional news media’s approach to almost every aspect of journalism, with many organisations restructuring their philosophy and practice to include a variety of participatory spaces/forums where people are free to engage in deliberative dialogue about matters of public importance. Moreover, while news media were the traditional gatekeepers of information, today many organisations allow, to different degrees, the general public and other independent journalism entities to participate in the news production process, which may include agenda setting and content production. This paper draws from an international collective case study that showcases various approaches to networked online news journalism. It examines the ways in which different traditional news media models use digital tools and technologies for participatory communication of information about matters of public interest. The research finds differences between the ways in which public service, commercial and independent news media give voice to the public and ultimately their approach to journalism’s role as the Fourth Estate––one of the key institutions of democracy. The work is framed by the notion that journalism in democratic societies has a key role in ensuring citizens are informed and engaged with public affairs. An examination of four media models, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), the Guardian, News Limited and OhmyNews, showcases the various approaches to networked online news journalism and how each provides different avenues for citizen empowerment. The cases are described and analysed in the context of their own social, political and economic setting. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with key senior journalists and editors provide specific information on comparisons between the distinctive practices of their own organisation. In particular these show how the ideal of democracy can be used as a tool of persuasion as much as a method of deliberation.

Anti-bribery disclosures: A response to networked governance

This study examined the posited link between networked governance (the activities of NGOs and the media) and the anti-bribery disclosures of two global telecommunication companies. Based on a joint consideration of legitimacy theory, media agenda setting theory and responsive regulation, the findings show that anti-bribery disclosures are positively associated with the activities of the media and NGO initiatives. The findings also show that companies make anti-bribery disclosures to maintain symbolic legitimacy but are less prominent in effecting a substantive change in their accountability practices.

Social and environmental reporting practices of organisations operating in, or sourcing products from, a developing country : evidence from Bangladesh

This research consists of a broad study in three parts of the social and environmental reporting practices of organisations operating in or sourcing products from a developing country, in this case Bangladesh. The first part of this study explores the social and environmental disclosure practices of the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA), the body responsible for organising the activities of 4,200 entities involved in the export of garments from Bangladesh. By way of interview, this part documents the opinions of numerous senior executives from the BGMEA with regard to any changes in the degree of social and environmental pressures since 1985. Utilising a complementary theoretical perspective that includes legitimacy theory, stakeholder theory and institutional theory this part then performs an analysis of the BGMEA's annual reports (1987-2005), t o explore the link between the perceived pressures and changes entailed therein and the social and environmental disclosure practices of the BGMEA across the period of analysis. The results show that the disclosure practices of BGMEA appear to be directly driven by the changing expectations of multinational buying companies- the group deemed to be the most powerful stakeholder group. This section is the first known study to interview managers from a large organisation in a developing country about shifting stakeholder expectations and then to link these changing expectations to annual report disclosures across an extended period of analysis. The findings then directly lead to the second major part of this thesis which investigates the social and environmental disclosure practices of two major multinational buying companies: Nike and H&M. Adopting a joint consideration of legitimacy theory and media agenda setting theory, this second part investigates the linkage between negative media attention and positive corporate social and environmental disclosures over a 19 year period. The results support the view that for those industry-related social and environmental issues that attract the greatest amount of negative media attention, these companies react by providing positive social and environmental disclosures. The results were particularly significant in relation to labour practices in developing countries-the issue that attracts the greatest amount of negative media attention for the companies in question. While the second part demonstrates that the media influences particular disclosure practices, the third part of the thesis shows what drives the media. Based on the speculation provided in the second part, the third part tests the proposition that the media is an important ally of NGOs in their quest to influence change in corporate accountabilities. Through the use of interviews, the results of this part of the study provide evidence to support previously untested perspectives about NGOs' utilisation of the m edia. The results reveal that NGOs use the media because the media is responsible for creating real changes in the operations and disclosure policies of organisations sourcing products from Bangladesh. The various pressures impacting the activities of organisations operating in or sourcing products from developing countries constitutes a fascinating area of investigation, and it is hoped that this study will motivate further research in this area.

Korkeakoulupolitiikan dynamiikat Suomessa

The study scrutinizes the dynamics of the Finnish higher education political system. Dynamics is understood as the regularity of interaction between actors. By actors is meant the central institutions in the system. The theoretical framework of the study draws on earlier research in political science and higher education political studies. The theoretical model for analysis is built on agenda-setting theories. The theoretical model separates two dimensions of dynamics, namely the political situation and political possibilities. A political situation can be either favourable or contradictory to change. If the institutional framework within the higher education system is not compatible with the external factors of the system, the political situation is contradictory to change. To change the situation into a favourable one, one needs either to change the institutional structure or wait for external factors to change. Then again, the political possibilities can be either settled or politicized. Politicization means that new possibilities for action are found. Settled possibilities refer to routine actions performed according to old practices. The research tasks based on the theoretical model are: 1. To empirically analyse the political situation and the possibilities from the actors point of view. 2. To theoretically construct and empirically test a model for analysis of dynamics in the Finnish higher education politics. The research material consists of 25 thematic interviews with key persons in the higher education political system in 2008. In addition, there are also documents from different actors since the 1980s and statistical data. The material is analysed in four phases. In the first phase the emphasis is on trying to understand the interviewees and actors points of view. In the second phase the different types of research material are related to each other. In the third phase the findings are related to the theoretical model, which is constructed over the course of the analysis. In the fourth phase the interpretation is tested. The research distinguishes three historical periods in the Finnish higher education system and focuses on the last one. This is the era of the complex system beginning in the 1980s 1990s. Based on the interviews, four policy threads are identified and analysed in their historical context. Each of the policy threads represents one of the four possible dynamics identified in the theoretical model. The research policy thread functions according to reform dynamics. A coalition of innovation politics is able to use the politicized possibilities due to the political situation created by the conception of the national innovation system. The regional policy thread is in a gridlock dynamics. The combination of a political system based on provincial representation, a regional higher education institutional framework and outside pressure to streamline the higher education structure created a contradictory political situation. Because of this situation, the politicized possibilities in the so-called "regional development plan" do not have much effect. In the international policy thread, a consensual change dynamics is found. Through changes in the institutional framework, the higher education political system is moulded into a favourable situation. However, the possibilities are settled: a pragmatic national gaze prevailed. A dynamics of friction is found in the governance policy thread. A political situation where political-strategic and budgetary decision-making are separated is not favourable for change. In addition, as governance policy functions according to settled possibilities, the situation seems unchangeable. There are five central findings. First, the dynamics are different depending on the policy thread under scrutiny. Second, the settled possibilities in a policy thread seemed to influence other threads the most. Third, dynamics are much related to changes external to the higher education political system, the changing positions of the actors in different policy threads and the unexpected nature of the dynamics. Fourth, it is fruitful to analyse the dynamics with the theoretical model. Fifth, but only hypothetically and thus left for further research, it seems that the Finnish higher education politics is reactive and weak at politicization.

Los medios como formadores de la imagen de los políticos

Resumen: Cuando los medios se refieren a los candidatos políticos en una situación de campaña electoral proyectan una cierta imagen de los mismos a partir de las verbalizaciones que preponderan en los mensajes informativos. El presente trabajo analiza estas verbalizaciones de los medios en el marco de la teoría de la Agenda Setting, más específicamente en el segundo nivel de esta teoría, la cual hace referencia a los atributos o aspectos que caracterizan a los protagonistas de las noticias, para este estudio en particular, los políticos. Esta teoría fue puesta a prueba repetidamente desde su aplicación en las elecciones estadounidenses de 1968 de la mano de sus autores Maxwell McCombs y Donald Shaw. La misma se ha extendido con paso firme desde su país de origen hacia otras latitudes. El objetivo general es describir la imagen de los candidatos presidenciales a partir de las expresiones que preponderan en los medios masivos de comunicación, durante la campaña presidencial en Argentina ocurrida en octubre de 2011. El procedimiento consiste en el relevamiento realizado durante los meses anteriores a las elecciones presidenciales. Para ello fue necesario armar un corpus compuesto por la selección de los medios masivos de comunicación a analizar. Seguidamente se realiza el análisis de contenido del corpus y se procede al análisis de los datos, de ello deriva una base de datos, donde la unidad de análisis fue la mención de los diversos aspectos o características de los candidatos políticos. Los aspectos o características fueron tomados de investigaciones anteriores que aplicaron la misma metodología y que fueron realizadas en nuestro país también en situaciones de contextos electorales. Por ello es factible de efectuar comparaciones en el tiempo, ya que una de las enormes riquezas de la teoría de la Agenda Setting es la de ser susceptible de comparación por tratarse de una metodología de análisis sistemático. La revisión de la teoría de la Agenda Setting que enmarca esta investigación pretende introducirnos primeramente en las investigaciones de medios masivos en general para luego focalizar en la teoría propiamente dicha y más aún en el segundo nivel de la teoría que trata de los atributos de los personajes públicos Se realiza posteriormente una breve sinopsis de investigaciones en Latinoamérica y Argentina, sobre temas relacionados con campañas electorales y no electorales para finalmente de manera concatenada dar cuenta de trabajos realizados en nuestro país en situaciones de campañas políticas

Reprodução eleitoral, especialização ou cartelização legislativa? A Comissão de Minas e Energia da Câmara dos Deputados em pauta

Avalia a dinâmica da Comissão de Minas e Energia da Câmara dos Deputados, entre 2003 e 2006, sob o enfoque das Teorias do Legislativo e do Agenda Setting, tendo-se verificado dominância das perspectivas distributivista e partidária sobre a informacional, visto que os trabalhos no âmbito do órgão nortearam-se por preferências do Poder Executivo e que a motivação de seus membros centrou-se na reeleição.

An examination of strategic opportunities provided by the conference committee procedure in the U.S. Congress

Deference to committees in Congress has been a much studied phenomena for close to 100 years. This deference can be characterized as the unwillingness of a potentially winning coalition on the House floor to impose its will on a small minority, a standing committee. The congressional scholar is then faced with two problems: observing such deference to committees, and explaining it. Shepsle and Weingast have proposed the existence of an ex-post veto for standing committees as an explanation of committee deference. They claim that as conference reports in the House and Senate are considered under a rule that does not allow amendments, the conferees enjoy agenda-setting power. In this paper I describe a test of such a hypothesis (along with competing hypotheses regarding the effects of the conference procedure). A random-utility model is utilized to estimate legislators' ideal points on appropriations bills from 1973 through 1980. I prove two things: 1) that committee deference can not be said to be a result of the conference procedure; and moreover 2) that committee deference does not appear to exist at all.

Política y medios de comunicación: reflexiones poliédricas sobre una relación compleja

Índice: - Introducción (Miguel Ángel Casado y Jone Martínez). - Presentación del libro-CD Elecciones vascas 2009 (José Ignacio Armentia). - Elecciones vascas 2009. Siete diarios, tres candidatos y un diálogo (Iker Merodio). - Medios y política desde la Academia (José V. Idoyaga). - Comunicación y poder (Pedro Ibarra). - Apuntes desconcertados de un universitario de larga relación con los medios ahora metido a político (Imanol Zubero). - Las televisiones, al servicio de la campaña electoral (Marian González). - Cuando la política se estrecha, los políticos son el problema. Un apunte sobre prensa y política (Xabier Aierdi). - La comunicación en tus manos (Paul Ríos). - Política digital en 2010 (Mikel Agirregabiria). - Komunikabideak eta politika, AHT kasua aztergai: abiadura handiko informazioa, trena norantz doa? AHT eta prensa Euskal Herrian (Iñaki Barcena). - Komunikabideak eta politika. Zientzia politikotik ikuspegi bat: informazioaren mozorroa aztergai (Izaro Gorostidi). - Movimientos sociales y medios de comunicación: el caso de las movilizaciones anti- Bolonia (Joseba Fernández). - La autodeterminación como solución política a una Transición democrática mal resuelta (Cristina Perales). - Políticos y periodistas: reflexiones para un debate inacabado (Txema Ramírez de la Piscina). - Políticos y periodistas (Sonia Hernando). - Políticos vs. periodistas (Josu Segovia). - Periodismo y política (Pedro García). - La prensa y los círculos de poder. La prensa en los círculos de poder (Aratzazu Zugasti). - Medios de comunicación y discursos políticos. El reto de asumir responsabilidades sociales (Soraia Chacón). - Elecciones vascas 2009. Política y comunicación (Andoni Ortuzar). Información 2.0, ¿quiénes ejercen hoy la influencia? ¿Es el fin de la agenda setting? (Alain Coloma). - XXI. mendeko laugarren boterea: gizartea (Ugaitz Zabala). - Política y medios de comunicación: una relación de amor-odio permanente (Oskar Matute).

Os usos e apropriações do Twitter no processo de construção das notícias: o caso das eleições presidenciais de 2010

As eleições 2010 entraram para a história da comunicação política como a primeira em que candidatos puderam fazer uso de outras plataformas digitais que não fossem os websites. O conteúdo divulgado pelos políticos, assessores e internautas nas redes sociais acabou sendo apropriado e noticiado pela imprensa. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender melhor como a internet, e mais precisamente o Twitter, tem interferido e alterado o modo de produção jornalística na cobertura das eleições e quais foram os efeitos nas reportagens publicadas. Para isso, buscaremos analisar como os jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Globo fizeram uso de posts do Twitter na cobertura da campanha presidencial. Nosso intuito é avaliar se os jornais buscaram captar o comportamento dos internautas no microblo g ou se reproduziram mais os tweets dos candidatos, assessores e outras fontes notáveis. Pretendemos verificar ainda as características dos posts utilizados pelos veículos em suas matérias e notas e criar categorias que identifiquem quais assuntos que circulavam no microblog eram de interesse da imprensa.

Quando a favela é notícia: a "pacificação" carioca nas páginas do jornal

O estudo aqui apresentado se enquadra dentro de uma inquietação que tem mobilizado diversos estudos, a saber: a conjugação entre mídia, centros urbanos e a violência. O estudo parte da hipótese de que a mídia modifica a forma e o conteúdo de suas matérias a partir do projeto de "pacificação" ocorrido na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Inspirado nas teorias de agenda-setting, esse trabalho busca entender como a mídia sugere questões relacionadas aos territórios de favela antes, durante e após a "pacificação". Para tanto, o recorreu-se a matérias do jornal O Globo, sobre seis favelas "pacificadas", no período de 2007 a 2013. Além do escopo teórico da Agenda-Setting, o trabalho irá dialogar com as teorias de Representação Social, buscando compreender a imagem que a mídia construiu das favelas nesses três períodos citados anteriormente. O texto será dividido em seis capítulos. O primeiro fará uma breve introdução das questões levantadas no texto. O segundo capítulo discutirá as representações sociais da favela carioca no decorrer do tempo, passando por cada período desde o início do século XX. No capítulo subsequente discutirá as teorias de Representação Social e de Agenda-Setting, pontuando a forma pela qual a análise se apropriará delas. No capítulo quatro serão levantadas questões referentes à confecção das notícias bem como as especificidades do caso brasileiro, anunciadas por alguns estudos analisados. Em seguida, o capítulo cinco trará as análises que foram realizadas e seus resultados, discutindo-os em três seções específicas, divididas em "temas", "agendas" e "atores". Por fim, o capítulo seis apresenta as considerações finais, reapresentando de forma breve as questões levantadas com o objetivo de localizar os limites do estudo e as perspectivas de pesquisas futuras.

A Folha de S. Paulo e os protestos pelo impeachment de Collor

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo observar as representações construídas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo sobre o conjunto de protestos de rua, ocorrido nos meses de agosto e setembro de 1992, que influenciou o processo de impeachment do presidente Collor. A pesquisa também questionou o interesse e atuação do jornal em relação a Collor desde as eleições de 1989 até o impeachment. Para responder a tais problemas, o trabalho mobilizou os conceitos de hegemonia e imprensa como partido político, propostos por Gramsci, o conceito de campo jornalístico, de Bourdieu, e o de agenda-setting, delineado por McCombs e Shaw. A historiografia consultada abordou o contexto histórico anterior ao governo Collor, as relações entre o presidente e os grandes veículos de imprensa do país, a história do periódico e o papel dos movimentos sociais no processo de impeachment. A revisão bibliográfica, apoiada pela leitura de editoriais do jornal, constatou que ele apoiava medidas neoliberais, como as privatizações das empresas públicas e o fim de mecanismos protecionistas do Estado à indústria nacional, que foram implementadas por Collor. Porém, o periódico fazia oposição ao presidente devido ao fracasso da sua política econômica e a sua postura autoritária em relação às críticas jornalísticas. Para perceber a visão da Folha de S. Paulo sobre os movimentos sociais, a pesquisa examinou textos editoriais e o conteúdo publicado no caderno Folhateen, voltado ao público jovem, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 1992. As análises mostraram que, em um primeiro momento, o jornal viu as manifestações com desconfiança. Posteriormente, com o seu crescimento, ele passou a apoiá-las e procurou influenciar a sua direção, diminuindo a importância dos partidos e entidades sindicais e estudantis de esquerda nas suas narrações dos protestos.

Broadening public input into science policy decision making: can the democratic model for science communication influence scientific, innovation and technological trajectories?

This PhD thesis investigates the potential use of science communication models to engage a broader swathe of actors in decision making in relation to scientific and technological innovation in order to address possible democratic deficits in science and technology policy-making. A four-pronged research approach has been employed to examine different representations of the public(s) and different modes of engagement. The first case study investigates whether patient-groups could represent an alternative needs-driven approach to biomedical and health sciences R & D. This is followed by enquiry into the potential for Science Shops to represent a bottom-up approach to promote research and development of local relevance. The barriers and opportunities for the involvement of scientific researchers in science communication are next investigated via a national survey which is comparable to a similar survey conducted in the UK. The final case study investigates to what extent opposition or support regarding nanotechnology (as an emerging technology) is reflected amongst the YouTube user community and the findings are considered in the context of how support or opposition to new or emerging technologies can be addressed using conflict resolution based approaches to manage potential conflict trajectories. The research indicates that the majority of communication exercises of relevance to science policy and planning take the form of a one-way flow of information with little or no facility for public feedback. This thesis proposes that a more bottom-up approach to research and technology would help broaden acceptability and accountability for decisions made relating to new or existing technological trajectories. This approach could be better integrated with and complementary to government, institutional, e.g. university, and research funding agencies activities and help ensure that public needs and issues are better addressed directly by the research community. Such approaches could also facilitate empowerment of societal stakeholders regarding scientific literacy and agenda-setting. One-way information relays could be adapted to facilitate feedback from representative groups e.g. Non-governmental organisations or Civil Society Organisations (such as patient groups) in order to enhance the functioning and socio-economic relevance of knowledge-based societies to the betterment of human livelihoods.