As desigualdades intra-regionais e suas interrelações no processo de desenvolvimento da educação escolar: o caso matogrossense

Este estudo examina a problemática das desigualdades econômicas e sociais da região matogrossense e sua relação com a educação escolar em termos de acesso, percurso e atendimento. Mediante o emprego de uma metodologia quantitativa e qualitativa bastante simples. O trabalho parte da idéia de que a educação escolar tende a acompanhar as disparidades existentes numa determinada área ou região. A análise dos indicadores econômicos, sociais e educacionais permitiu confirmar tal suposição. Na medida em que pôde mostrar que tanto mais pobre a região ou município, mais pobre ou precário ê o atendimento escolar. Neste sentido, a educação. Embora possa servir de instrumento de conscientização, nos moldes em que vem sendo efetivada só pode servir à manutenção das desigualdades.

Os três ciclos da sociedade e do estado

The history of independent Brazil may be divided in three major political cycles, and, since 1930, we can distinguish five political pacts or class coalitions. Since 1930 these pacts have been nationalist. Only in the 1990s the Brazilian elites surrendered to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid 2000s, they are recovering their idea of nation. In fact, the main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and the Brazilian society are “national-dependent”, i.e., they are ambiguous and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. The elite is dependent because it often sees itself as “European” and its people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough and around its domestic market there are enough common interests to make the Brazilian nation less ambiguous. Today, it searches for a synthesis between the two last political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

State–society cycles and political pacts in a national–dependent society: Brazil

The history of independent Brazil may be divided into three major state–society cycles, and, after 1930, five political pacts or class coalitions can be identified. These pacts were nationalist; only in the 1990s did the Brazilian elites surrender to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid-2000s they have been rediscovering the idea of the nation. The main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and Brazilian society are “national–dependent”, that is, they are ambivalent and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. They are dependent because they often see themselves as “European” and the mass of the people as inferior. But Brazil is big enough, and there are enough common interests around its domestic market, to make the Brazilian nation less ambivalent. Today Brazil is seeking a synthesis between the last two political cycles – between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

Revolução capitalista e formação do estado-nação

The Capitalist Revolution was the period of the transition from the ancient societies to capitalism; it was a long transition that began in the north of Italy, in the 14th century, and for the first time got completed in England, in the second part of the 18th century, with the formation of the nation state and the Industrial Revolution; it is a major rupture, which divided the history of mankind between a period where empires or civilizations prospered and then fell into decadence and disappeared, and a period of ingrained economic development and long-term improvement of standards of living. Since then the different peoples are engaged in the social construction of their nations and their states; since then, they are experiencing economic development, because capitalism is essentially dynamic; since then they are struggling for the political objectives that they historically defined for themselves from that revolution: security, freedom, economic well-being, social justice, and protection of the environment.

A efetividade do laudo pericial: um estudo sobre a influência do laudo pericial de informática na decisão judicial

O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a efetividade dos Laudos Periciais Criminais de Informática no que diz respeito ao auxílio na formação da convicção do magistrado para elaborar as sentenças. Para tanto, foram realizadas pesquisas nos laudos e nas sentenças que utilizaram esses laudos, buscando encontrar relação entre ambos com vistas a analisar a qualidade do Laudo produzido e sua importância para a decisão judicial e, consequentemente, para a promoção da justiça social. O estudo realizado permite afirmar que o trabalho pericial é relevante, na maioria dos casos analisados, para auxiliar os magistrados em suas tomadas de decisões. O resultado da pesquisa revelou que algumas variáveis que não dependem do trabalho pericial, como os questionamentos formulados pelo requisitante do laudo e o tipo penal, são relevantes para que os exames periciais sejam ainda mais efetivos e auxiliem na promoção da Justiça. Esta pesquisa pode ser um instrumento de gestão da Diretoria Técnico-Científica do Departamento de Polícia Federal no sentido de preencher a lacuna hoje existente, tendo em vista que os peritos criminais federais não possuem feedback sobre o trabalho desenvolvido, ao tempo em que demonstra a importância do trabalho pericial para a comprovação de delitos. Servirá também para auxiliar os gestores no desenvolvimento de metodologia de elaboração de laudos periciais de informática que busquem indicar autoria e materialidade delitiva em seus exames. A sociedade precisa que seus órgãos públicos atuem de maneira a promover justiça social para os cidadãos. Nesse cenário, o laudo pericial de informática é um dos instrumentos que podem auxiliar a efetivação da justiça de forma mais concreta.

Development, progress and economic growth

Progress was an idea of the 18th century; development, a project of the 20th century that continues into the 21st century. Progress was associated with the advance of reason, development with the fulfillment of the five political objectives that modern societies set for themselves: security, freedom, economic well-being, social justice and protection of the environment. Today we can view progress and development as equivalent. Both were products of the capitalist revolution, and of the economic development that began with it. Economic development or growth, in its turn, is the process of capital accumulation with the incorporation of technical progress that, mainly through productive sophistication and the increase of the value of labor, increases wages and improves standards of living. The five objectives that define development, as well as the three social instances existing in society change in an interdependent way.

Estado capaz (desenvolvimentista) e democracia em países pré-industriais

This paper distinguishes three types of countries (rich, middle-income, and pre-industrial) and discusses the problems of state capability and the quality of democracy in the later, which include the poor countries. A consolidate democracy supposes that the country has realized its capitalist revolution and counts with a relatively capable state. The challenge of pre-industrial countries is to build their nation and a reasonably capable state, and to make their national and industrial revolution. The democratic state will be its main instrument to achieve the five political objectives that modern societies defined historically: security, individual liberty, economic well-being, social justice, and protection of the environment. Given the demand of the people and the pressure of rich countries since the 1980s, this state will have to be democratic, but, historically, all industrial revolutions were the outcome of a developmental strategy, and none of them were accomplished in the realm of democracy. This is the main contradiction and the main challenge faced by populist leaders who try to develop their countries, having as adversaries the local liberal oligarchy and the rich countries or the West. They must build a capable state, but their poorly organized societies do not help. They must give priority to economic growth, but the people ask for more social services. Thus, to govern these countries is extremely difficult.

As escolhas das carreiras minimizam o impacto da política de cotas? O caso do estado do Rio de Janeiro

Esta pesquisa busca verificar se a política de cotas, incluída na legislação federal brasileira por meio da Lei nº 12.771 de 2012, ao tornar obrigatória a reserva de vagas no ensino superior numa combinação de cor/raça, renda e origem em rede pública de ensino médio, tem caminhado para alcançar seu objetivo de forma a minimizar as dívidas racial e social brasileiras, causadas, entre outras, pela escravidão que por décadas se perpetuou no país. Para isso a pesquisa focou na escolha das carreiras dos estudantes cotistas e não cotistas de uma forma geral, além de por sexo e turno. Buscará evidenciar a hipótese de que o público-alvo da política de cotas ao escolher carreiras menos prestigiadas ou com menor retorno financeiro, finda por minimizar o impacto da mesma e sugere que política complementar seria necessária. Para classificar e agrupar as carreiras, o trabalho utilizou a base de dados do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística - IBGE que lista as carreiras pela remuneração média percebida. Após contextualização da desigualdade racial e social, da educação como promotora do desenvolvimento econômico e social, das experiências americana e brasileira com ações afirmativas, da exposição da legislação que dispõe sobre o tema e de estudos já realizados, e da importância da avaliação das políticas públicas, são analisados os dados do Censo Escolar do Ensino Superior, do ano de 2013, do Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Anísio Teixeira – Inep, no que tange a escolha de carreira dos cotistas e não cotistas, além de por sexo e turno. A abrangência da pesquisa se restringiu às universidades, centros e institutos públicos situados no estado do Rio de Janeiro que, em diferentes graus e épocas já adotaram a política de cotas, a fim de verificar a hipótese. Ao final a pesquisa demonstra que o modelo de regressão que inclui as IES e o tempo de vigência da política se mostrou estatisticamente significativo sinalizando a forte influência das IES e do tempo sobre a razão de cotista e que, ao contrário do que se pensava, os cotistas escolhem as carreiras mais bem remuneradas ou de mais prestígio. Além disso, demonstra que o sexo feminino, da mesma forma que os estudantes de turno noturno, de uma forma geral, cotistas e não cotistas, optam por carreiras menos remuneradas indicando a necessidade de política complementar que: fomente a participação do sexo feminino nessas carreiras, avalie as carreiras e vagas oferecidas no turno noturno e corrija distorções que ampliem o leque de possibilidades para os alunos de ensino superior.

Redistribuição e reconhecimento: o caso das políticas sociais nos municípios de Natal e Belo horizonte

This research refers to a comparative study of social policies from the cities of Natal (RN) and Belo Horizonte (MG). Understanding that the demands for social justice in contemporary societies require both economic redistribution, and cultural recognition, we set out to investigate, according to Nancy Fraser s formulations (1996, 2005a, 2005b, 2007), how these two municipalities incorporate these dimensions in their social programs.

O princípio constitucional da livre concorrência como instrumento de desenvolvimento socioeconômico

The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

A Servidão Administrativa e o Estado Regulador: Compatibilidade com o Princípio Constitucional da Legalidade e a Limitação ao Direito Real de Propriedade

The economic changes occurred in the 90s, with the restructuring and privatization of various sectors of the economy have led to a redefinition of the State role, assuming a position of regulator and supervisor of public services in place to direct its role as straight intervenor. It is through the regulatory agencies, autarchies with special legal personality under public law, that the Regulator State will act. In this context, the first objective of this research is to analyze the legality of easements imposed by entities of the Direct Administration and Regulatory Agencies, whose execution is delegated to legal persons of private law, being those public service companies or mixed-economy societies. This examination in question the limits of servitude as a restrictive institute of property rights, observing the principles of function, supremacy of the public interests over the private ones, legality and the separation of powers. Defend the property rights like a fundamental right and your insurance as determining factor of economic development and social justice. Use the procedure in use will be the historiccomparative procedure, in order to demonstrate the legality of the public act as a maximum attempt to preserve the balance between the expansion of public services in various sectors of the economy, and the preservation of property rights, through regulation

Iniciativa popular na concretização do direito fundamental à democracia

The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice

Tramas do impedimento: os sentidos da desistência entre Alfabetizandos da EJA

For young people and adults that have not yet conquered reading and writing, being literate is the most important thing in life , a dream . Scholarly learning for them is like hegemonic knowledge in contemporary literate society. Thus, for them to get into school is to be able to have such knowledge and, through it, feel inserted into this society. However, along this process of learning, they start to drop out, little by little, statistically increasing the number of people who give up on young people and adult education Eja, as well as slowly reducing the contingent of illiteracy in the country. With this reality as a starting point, we question the concrete and symbolic reasons or motives that lead to a dropping out of the literacy classes at Eja. To do so, we have established, as the object of our study, the feelings of giving up among those involved in young people and adult literacy training. To understand such feelings is our purpose in this investigation. The theory of Social Representations (MOSCOVICI, 1978, 2004) was the theoretical-methodological option for subsidizing data search, analyses and interpretation, making us perceive the significance of the object of this study for these individuals. The gathering of such symbolic content involved the use of semi-structured interviews with eleven drop-outs and ten students who had repeated this modality of teaching in public schools in Natal, RN, during the 2006 school year. From the thematic and categorical analyses (BARDIN, 1977), we identified elements that gave support to some themes. Later, these themes led to three categories, suggesting that feelings associated with dropping out were based on the following: learning difficulties because they did not understand the contents; having their lack of knowledge exposed, thus bringing forth feelings of shame, humiliation, and embarrassment for not knowing how to read and write at a mature age; work, tiredness and sickness. The students who manage to remain in school are those who force themselves to live with the feelings of maladaptation and those who develop a sense of adaptation the other way round to the institution, that is, acceptance of institutional failures and omissions

Um sonho distante: reflexões sobre acessibilidade nos conjuntos habitacionais do pmcmv faixa 1 na região metropolitana de Natal

This dissertation seeks to reflect on the accessibility of the governmental program Minha Casa Minha Vida, track 1, which comprehends people who made 0 to 3 minimum wages within the metropolitan region of Natal RN between the years of 2009 and 2012. The research covers the municipalities benefited by the program: Ceará-Mirim, Extremoz, Macaíba, Monte Alegre, Natal, Nísia Floresta, Parnamirim and São Gonçalo do Amarante. We have investigated the extensions of PMCMV on the context of the access to the city, debating some concepts attached to the capitalist mode of production such as residential segregation and peripherization. We have aimed to identify the accessibility conditions in the new housing complexes from three primal categories, namely, the localization of the complexes, the disponibility of public equipments, services, leisure and cultural properties on the neighborhood and the offer of public transport. Our theorical references are based on the ideas of the british geographer David Harvey on his work Social Justice and the City , from 1980. Harvey s studies made us debate on the locational choice for the social-matter habitation, and also let us discuss the price to accessibility on these new programs and its implications on the income of those who are benefited by them, specially because this is about a low-income population. To the achievement of these objectives, we made use of case study, including desk research, photographic documentation, records of field observations and informal conversations with locals, composing a qualitative study. In light of what has been researched and considering the guiding research questions, we reflect on aspects of the program that can greatly influence the processes of residential segregation and housing periphery of the lowincome population from the precarious conditions of accessibility to the referred population

The work and health process in the sugarcane agroindustry in Franca, Brazil

This study aimed to discuss the interrelation between social determinants and the health conditions of workers in the sugarcane agroindustry in the region of Franca, in the countryside of São Paulo State, Brazil, from 2005 to 2006, considering the present socio-economic, historical, political and cultural conditions.