910 resultados para photography of camps


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A young woman seated with arm resting on a side table is pictured in this small black and white tintype photograph. The date, location and name of the photographer are unknown. This tintype was among the family memorabilia in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell families have relatives who were former slaves from the United States. They escaped to Canada and later settled in the London and St. Catharines areas of Ontario."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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A young African American girl peers through a lattice window in an unknown photographer's studio in this small black and white tintype. The girl in the photo is unidentified. There are slight scratches on the surface of the tintype, which is cut in a hexagonal shape. This tintype was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell families have relatives who are descended from Black slaves from the United States."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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An unidentified African American man poses beside a wooden fence in the studio of an unknown photographer in this small black and white tintype photograph. A painted landscape serves as the backdrop. This tintype was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell families are descended from former American slaves who settled in Canada."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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A woman standing with a book beside a table covered with a decorative cloth is featured in this small black and white tintype photograph. The tintype has been mounted in a paper slip frame with gold edging. There is a small area of red, hand-colored highlighting on the tablecloth. The backdrop appears to be a painted landscape scene. The tintype is undated and there is no indication of the identity of the woman in the photo or the photographer. This tintype was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell families have relatives who are former slaves from the United States who later settled in southern Ontario."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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Three unidentified Black women, two seated and one standing, pose against a painted backdrop in the studio of an unknown photographer. This small black and white tintype has been cut on the upper and lower left-hand corners. The back of the tintype is a copper color. This photograph was among the family memorabilia in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. Relatives of the Sloman - Bell families include former American slaves who settled in Canada."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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An unidentified young African American gentleman sits cross-legged on a decorative wooden stool in this small black and white tintype photograph. The date and name of the photographer are unknown. Hand-colored red detailing is visible on the curtain cord and the tablecloth. This tintype was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. Relatives of the Sloman - Bell families were former American slaves who settled in Canada."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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An unidentified young African American woman stands beside a chair in this small black and white tintype, undated. The name of the photographer is unknown. This tintype was in the possession of the Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines. The Sloman - Bell families have relatives who are descended from former American slaves who settled in Canada."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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An unidentified young Black gentleman poses beside a chair in this small tintype photograph. Both the name of the photographer and the date the photo was taken are unknown. The upper and lower left-hand corners have been cut and the tintype is slightly discolored and bent. This tintype was among the family memorabilia in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Bell - Sloman families are descended from former slaves from the United States."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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This undated small black and white tintype, slightly scratched, discolored and bent with age, shows a group of Black men posing for an unknown photographer. There is handwritten signature scratched into the reverse which appears to read "B.J." and "Owen" (see digital image of reverse). The original also has a hand-drawn "X" over the face of the seated man in the middle. This tintype was in the possession of Iris Sloman Bell, of St. Catharines, Ontario. The Sloman - Bell family descendants include former American slaves who settled in Canada."Tintypes were the invention of Prof. Hamilton Smith of Ohio. They begin as thin sheets of iron, covered with a layer of black paint. This serves as the base for the same iodized collodion coating and silver nitrate bath used in the ambrotype process. First made in 1856, millions were produced well into the twentieth century. When tintypes were finished in the same sorts of mats and cases used for ambrotypes, it can be almost impossible to distinguish which process was used without removing the image to examine the substrate." Source: American Museum of Photography http://www.photographymuseum.com/primer.html

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Lichenologists and users of lichenometry have long used calipers or photogrammetry to measure the growth of crustose lichens. Now, digital photography and popular computer software provide methodological alternatives. This thesis developed and tested a new methodology for tracking change and growth of the lichen, Rhizocarpon geographicum. Adobe Photoshop CS3 Extended software and a photographic time series (1996,2003,2006 and 2007) were used to measure thallus diameter, area, prothallus width and areolae area in 115 small R. geographicum thalli (0.53-1049.88 mm2 ). Measures of 8 diameters per thallus showed that change in diameter was highly variable and is a weak index of growth. Thallus area was a reliable measure of growth (power correlation, R2 = 0.89). Rapid, highly irregular growth occurred in small thalli «30 mm2 ), and steady, uniform growth occurred in larger thalli (>30 mm2 ). This new methodology is tedious but can potentially generate accurate and precise measures for even the tiniest of lichens.

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3 black and white photographs, 10 cm x 6 cm, of females’ faces. One of the women is older and the other 2 are young. The 2 photos of the younger females were taken by Poole, Photo, St. Catharines.

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Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens).

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La divulgation dans les médias de masse des atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis et soviétiques n’a pas ébranlé que les milieux politiques. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines (on pense immédiatement à l’expérience de Milgram) et en philosophie ont cherché à comprendre le fonctionnement des régimes totalitaires. Hannah Arendt, en plus d’avoir contribué à la popularisation du concept de totalitarisme, a été l’une des premières à en rechercher les origines. Bien qu’il n’ait jamais abordé de front la question du nazisme et du stalinisme, Michel Foucault a, lui aussi, ancré ses recherches sur le pouvoir dans une démarche généalogique. Plus précisément, c’est lors de ses travaux sur la gouvernementalité et la biopolitique qu’il a étudié les rationalités gouvernementales, leurs technologies et leur effet subjectivant. Les objectifs de cette recherche sont de présenter un exposé critique de ces deux approches des phénomènes de pouvoir en Occident et de produire une étude comparative du phénomène totalitaire.

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Cette thèse se concentre sur ce que j'appelle «l’espace négatif» de la représentation dans la poésie de Stevens comme étant un véritable espace d'engagement politique, une interprétation qui se distingue de la plus grande partie de la critique sur Stevens. En suivant les écrits philosophiques d'Emmanuel Levinas, j'affirme que l'emphase que Stevens place sur la représentation de la représentation elle-même ouvre un espace au-delà des limites rigides de l'identité-ce que Levinas appelle « le je [sujet] semblable », permettant un contact authentique avec « l'Autre» ainsi qu’avec le concept de « l'infini ». Bien que Stevens s’est farouchement opposé à la notion Romantique de la sublime transcendance, c’est-à-dire d'un espace censé exister en dehors des limites de l'imagination humaine, il se concerne néanmoins avec l'exploration d'un espace au-delà de l'identité individuelle. Pour Stevens, cependant, « la transcendance» est toujours, nécessairement, liée par les restrictions reconnues du langage humain et de l'imagination, et donc par la réalité du monde perceptible. Toute « transcendance» qui est recherchée ou atteinte, dans la poésie de Stevens ne devrait donc pas - ma thèse affirme - être entendu dans le sens sublime déterminé auparavant par les Romantiques. Une connexion plus appropriée peut plutôt être faite avec la transcendance concrète et immédiate décrit par Lévinas comme le «face à face ». L’attention que Stevens accordent aux notions concrètes et immédiates est souvent exprimé à travers son attention sur les qualités esthétiques de la langue. Sa poésie a en effet la poésie pour sujet, mais pas dans le sens solipsiste qui lui est souvent attribué. En se concentrant sur le processus actif et créateur inhérent à l'écriture et à la lecture de la poésie, Stevens explore la nature de l'Etre lui-même. Je compare cette exploration dans le travail de Stevens à celle du dessinateur, ou de l'artiste, et dans ma conclusion, je suggère les liens entre l'approche d'enquête de Stevens et celle d’artistes visuels contemporains qui se sont également engagés à la figuration du processus créatif. L’ artiste sud-africain William Kentridge est mon exemple principal , en raison de sa conviction que la méthode est intrinsèquement liée à l'engagement politique et social.

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La violence chronique qui caractérise la Somalie depuis plus de deux décennies a forcé près de deux millions de personnes à fuir. Cette ethnographie étudie l’expérience de l’asile prolongé de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi au camp de Kakuma, au Kenya. Leur expérience est hors du commun, bien qu’un nombre croissant de réfugiés passent de longues années dans des camps pourtant conçus comme temporaires, en vertu de la durée des conflits et de la normalisation de pratiques de mise à l’écart de populations « indésirables ». Nous explorons la perception qu’ont ces jeunes de leur environnement et de quelle façon leur exil structure leur perception du passé et de leur pays d’origine, et de leur futur. Ce faisant, nous considérons à la fois les spécificités du contexte et l’environnement global, afin de comprendre comment l’expérience des gens est façonnée par (et façonne) les dynamiques sociales, politiques, économiques et historiques. Nous observons que le camp est, et demeure, un espace de confinement, indépendamment de sa durée d’existence ; bien que conçu comme un lieu de gestion rationnelle des populations, le camp devient un monde social où se développent de nouvelles pratiques ; les jeunes Somaliens font preuve d’agentivité et interprètent leur expérience de manière à rendre leur quotidien acceptable ; ces derniers expriment une frustration croissante lorsque leurs études sont terminées et qu’ils peinent à s’établir en tant qu’adultes, ce qui exacerbe leur désir de quitter le camp. En effet, même s’il existe depuis plus de 20 ans, le camp demeure un lieu de transition. L’expérience de jeunes Somaliens qui ont grandi dans un camp de réfugiés n’a pas été étudiée auparavant. Nous soutenons que cette expérience est caractérisée par des tensions entre contraintes et opportunités, mobilité et immobilité, isolation et connexion ou victimisation et affirmation du sujet – et des temporalités contradictoires. Cette étude souligne que des notions comme la convivialité ou la pluralité des appartenances développées dans la littérature sur la cohabitation interethnique dans les villes ou sur l’identité des migrants aident à appréhender le réalité du camp. Cette ethnographie montre également que, loin d’être des victimes passives, les réfugiés contribuent à trouver des solutions à leur exil.