Apocalypse forever? International relations implications of 11 September

This is a contribution to ongoing discussion of the international relations issues raised by the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It acknowledges apparent failings (of analysis or prediction) in the IR literature but then suggests the shortcomings are really the product of divergent traditions of analysis (behaviouralism, structuralism and evolutionism) which isolate different aspects of phenomena for attention. The paper then discusses the contrast between hard power and soft power - to help identify the distinctiveness of the new forms of terrorism (their non-linear objectives and the lack of proportionality involved). It concludes on an encouraging note by urging international cooperation as a solution, even in cases where the protagonists' resentments have tended to militate against conventional channels of dispute resolution.

Non-volant tetrapods from Reserva Biológica de Duas Bocas, State of Espírito Santo, Southeastern Brazil

A Reserva Biológica de Duas Bocas (2.190 ha) é um dos maiores remanescentes de Mata Atlântica do Estado do Espírito Santo, Sudeste do Brasil. Nós amostramos tetrápodes não voadores nessa área entre maio de 2007 e abril de 2008, utilizando armadilhas de queda, armadilhas de isca, armadilhas fotográficas e buscas oportunísticas diurnas e noturnas. Além disso, nós compilamos registros de vertebrados não voadores ocorrentes nesta área disponíveis na literatura e através de espécimes em museus. Nós documentamos 52 espécies de anfíbios, 24 espécies de répteis não voadores e 39 espécies de mamíferos não voadores. Do total de 115 espécies, 47 configuram novos registros para a área e seis outras espécies tiveram sua distribuição geográfica ampliada com os resultados do presente estudo. Além disso, apresentamos o registro de predação da perereca Hypsiboas faber pela serpente Chironius bicarinatus. Cinco das espécies registradas são listadas como ameaçadas no Estado do Espírito Santo e muitas outras possuem estado de conservação incerto. A Reserva Biológica de Duas Bocas é um importante refúgio de vida selvagem, principalmente quando consideramos a expansão de áreas urbanas no seu entorno.

Para crítica ao campo dos determinantes sociais da saúde

O presente estudo analisa as relações entre a ‘saúde’ e o ‘social’ na Saúde Pública brasileira, especificamente a partir da noção de ‘determinação social da saúde’, focando-a em dois momentos importantes: a década de 70, quando ocorre a construção dessa noção a partir da corrente médico-social latino-americana, e a retomada dessa discussão no século XXI sobre a chancela de ‘determinantes sociais da saúde’. Possuiu como objetivos: Caracterizar a noção de ‘determinação social’ a partir do positivismo nas ciências sociais; pesquisar a construção da noção de ‘determinação social da saúde’ na Saúde Pública brasileira; descrever perspectivas de análises sobre o campo dos determinantes sociais da saúde a partir da polaridade entre a ‘saúde’ e o ‘social’. Para o alcance dos objetivos, foi realizado um estudo exploratório, através da pesquisa bibliográfica (livros e bases de dados virtuais) e da pesquisa documental. Inicialmente apresentamos os pressupostos teórico-filosóficos sobre os quais a ciência moderna se assentou e que construíram a base da corrente positivista. Após, caracterizamos, em linhas gerais, essa corrente de pensamento, para, finalmente, interpretarmos a noção de ‘determinação social’ a partir de Durkheim – uma das principais análises dentro do campo das ciências sociais. Logo após, trazemos a construção da noção de determinação social da saúde a partir da crítica latino-americana da década de 70 ao discurso hegemônico do período sobre o processo saúde-doença. O pensamento latino-americano teve grande produção teórico-política brasileira em um lugar de vanguarda quando comparado a todos os países da América do Sul e Central. Entre outras agendas, a noção de determinação social da saúde, oriunda dos movimentos sociais, pautou a reforma sanitária brasileira, colocando-se como cerne do debate. Noção esta que sustentou a ‘bandeira política’ defendida pelo movimento sanitário na luta por melhores condições de vida e de saúde no Brasil. Em seguida, apresentamos a configuração político-científica mais recente do campo dos determinantes sociais da saúde, destacando que ocorre um enfoque predominantemente reducionista sobre o social. Logo após, trazemos categorias do pensamento da sociologia crítica e da sociologia contemporânea, de forma a oferecer elementos de análise para a crítica à forma como hegemonicamente vem se pautando o discurso no interior do campo dos determinantes sociais da saúde. Ambas as perspectivas apresentam-se de forma não excludentes, não hierárquicas e não concorrentes. Finalizamos tecendo considerações que, longe de serem finais, sinalizam para a necessidade de uma nova perspectiva de partida para os estudos atuais no campo dos determinantes sociais da saúde.

Heterodox Autonomy Doctrine: realism and purposes, and its relevance

The Autonomy Doctrine, elaborated by Juan Carlos Puig, is a realist point of view of International Relations. It is an analysis, from the periphery, about the structure of world power, and a roadmap (from a theoretical point of view) for the longing process of autonomization-regarding hegemonic power-for a country whose ruling class would decide to overcome dependency. The elements its author took into account when analyzing its own context are explained in this text and, afterwards, are reflected over its relevance nowadays. For that purpose, it is necessary to answer certain questions, such as which are the concepts and categories that may explain its relevance, its applicability to regional integration and cooperation models and projects, and what would be the analytical method to compare reality versus ideas, among others. The methodological proposal to analyze the relevance of Puig's doctrine is to compare it to different visions of regionalism that are currently in effect in Latin America.

An outline of military technological dynamics as restraints for acquisition, international cooperation and domestic technological development

The expectation that technological returns from defense expenditure through acquisition, international cooperation and domestic research would further national development underappreciates the different technological dynamic of the armed services. This paper outlines the technological dynamic the stems from fighting in the air, at sea and on land, exemplifying consequences for the case of acquisition.

Mao's steps in Monroe's backyard: towards a United States-China hegemonic struggle in Latin America?

Contrary to what could be expected given the United States' historical hegemony of Latin America, growing Chinese influence in this region has not led to a dispute between China and the US. Despite activism of hard-line groups in the United States, both parties have faced the issue with noticeable pragmatism. This attitude could be explained by three variables: the US political negligence towards Latin America in the Post-Cold War, the focus of Sino-Latin American relations on economic rather than geopolitical or ideological affairs, and the scanty relevance of the region in the top priorities of overall Washington-Beijing relations.

International drivers of Brazilian agricultural cooperation in Africa in the post-2008 economic crisis

This text focuses on the major drivers of Brazilian agricultural cooperation in Africa as conceived and pursued from 2004 to 2014, with emphasis on the impacts of political and economic international changes that took place in that period, and particularly the impacts of the 2008 economic crisis, in framing Brazil's foreign policy and development assistance initiatives. It addresses current international forces and developments at the systemic level, but also analyses recent economic domestic developments, in particular those directly related to Brazilian agriculture and those related to the policy framework of its evolving internationalization. Special attention is paid to the dual dimensions of Brazilian agricultural policy and to its projection in agricultural cooperation as pursed in Africa.

Towards modular regionalism: the proliferation of Latin American cooperation

This article addresses three questions: why there was a surge in regional cooperation projects in Latin America in the last decade; how to characterize the current multi-faceted scenario; and how to make this complexity work. After a review of six theoretical perspectives, an original conceptual approach is proposed: "modular regionalism." This credibly answers the three questions and offers policy recommendations.

Feeding non-preference by Spodoptera frugiperda and Spodoptera eridania on tomato genotypes

Larvae of the genus Spodoptera spp. are highly polyphagous and can cause economical losses in several agricultural crops. Given their growing importance in the tomato crop, especially for industry, this work aimed to evaluate the feeding non-preference by larvae of Spodoptera frugiperda (J. E. Smith, 1797) and Spodoptera eridania (Cramer, 1782) on tomato genotypes and classify them by the levels of resistance. The commercial cultivar Santa Clara was set as the susceptible standard and line PI 134417 as the resistant standard to evaluate the lines PI 134418, PI 126931, LA 462 and LA 716. Feeding non-preference tests were performed under non-choice and free-choice conditions to evaluate the genotype attractiveness to larvae at predetermined times after their release, as well as the leaf area consumed. Overall, the genotypes LA 716 and PI 126931 were the least attractive to S. frugiperda, whereas Santa Clara was the most attractive and consumed. For S. eridania, the genotypes PI 126931, LA 462, LA 716 and PI 134418 were the least preferred for feeding, and Santa Clara and PI 134417 were the most attractive and consumed. The genotypes LA 716 and PI 126931 are moderately resistant to S. frugiperda and S. eridania; PI 134418 and LA 462 are moderately resistant to S. eridania; PI 134417 is susceptible to S. frugiperda and S. eridania; and Santa Clara is highly susceptible to both S. frugiperda and S. eridania.

O papel da Organização das Nações Unidas em Angola

RESUMO: Angola tem sido ao longo dos tempos objecto de cobiça por parte de países estrangeiros por motivações diversas, que foram desde interesses coloniais – como aconteceu com Portugal, que durante séculos a colonizou, e da Holanda, que dominou Luanda entre 1641 e 1648 – ou por interesses hegemónicos, ideológicos e políticos – como sucedeu com os EUA e a URSS, mas também com a Republica Popular da China e Cuba – e até por interesses regionais – como foram os casos da África do Sul e dos contíguos Congo Belga, hoje Republica Democrática do Congo, e Zâmbia. No entanto, a todos estes interesses diversos não se pode excluir um que lhes é transversal: o interesse económico. De facto, os 1246700 km² de que Angola dispõe, aliados à sua excelente localização geográfica com uma extensa costa atlântica e a sua extraordinária riqueza em recursos naturais podem explicar este envolvimento estrangeiro na História de Angola. No que diz respeito ao objecto da Dissertação, o envolvimento da ONU nas questões relacionadas com Angola remonta à década de 50, ou seja, ao período colonial e muito antes da independência do país em 1975, devido à política descolonizadora saída da II Guerra Mundial. Além disso, a dinâmica que emergiu da II Guerra Mundial, rapidamente, reconfigurou o panorama político internacional em dois blocos: o ocidental liderado pelos EUA e o de Leste liderado pela URSS, que se envolveram numa Guerra Fria, polarização cujos efeitos se ligam de forma trágica à guerra em Angola, primeiro para a autodeterminação, e, depois, já num contexto de independência, num conflito armado que ultrapassou o plano interno. Os interesses dos EUA e da URSS, que começaram por ser antagónicos, deram lugar em 1989 com o fim da bipolaridade a uma cooperação mais aberta e uma abertura política em Angola rumo à paz e ao início da construção da democracia. Neste trabalho estuda-se o papel da ONU em Angola, quer no período de luta pela independência, quer depois, na busca da paz no sangrento conflito – nem sempre civil – que mesmo antes da data da independência, a 11 de Novembro de 1975, e até Fevereiro de 2002, dilacerou o país. Procura-se, igualmente, analisar o contributo da ONU na consolidação das instituições e na construção de um regime democrático em Angola. ABSTRACT: Angola has been along time subject to the greed of several foreign countries for many reasons and motivations which go from colonial interests - that is the cases of, Portugal which for centuries colonized it, and Netherlands under whose administration had been Luanda between 1641 and 1648 - or for hegemonic, ideological and political interests - as it happened in regard to USA and USSR, but also People‟s Republic of China, Cuba, - and even for regional interests - regarding South Africa Republic, and the neighbouring countries, Democratic Republic of Congo (ancient Republic of the Congo “Leopoldville”), and the Republic of Zambia. On the other hand to these interests we may join another which is transversal to all of them: economic interest. Effectively, Angola‟s 481,351 square miles (1,246,700 Km2) estimated area, combined with its excellent geographical location with a lengthy Atlantic coast, its extraordinary richness in natural resources may well explain this foreign participation in its Political History. Concerning the objective of this work, the UN has been involved in matters regarding Angola since the decade of 50 of the last century, during the colonial period, long before the independence of the country in 1975, due to the decolonization policy emerged from the Second World War. Furthermore, after the Second World War, international environment has changed, transforming quickly the world into two main blocs, the West with the leadership of the USA and the East with the leadership of USSR which went into a Cold War. The effects of this polarization reached tragically Angola, early in the fight for self-determination, and went on later after independence in an armed conflict, which has overcome the internal dimension. The USA and USSR interests, at the beginning being antagonistic had become by 1989, with the end of bipolarity, more cooperative, leading Angola to a political reform towards peace and beginning the construction of democracy. In this academic work it‟s studied the UNO role in Angola since the fight for self-determination early in the sixties of last century, and later in the search for peace during the bloody - and not always civil – war conflict which very before independence date in 11th November 1975, and as long as 2002, divided the country. Additionally, this work aims to understand the UNO contribution to consolidate institutions and to promote democracy in Angola.

Risk factors for non compliance using occlusive therapy: a case study

Purpose: compliance with treatment is a common problem when treating amblyopic patients. Visual acuity of amblyopic eye does not improve without effective occlusive therapy. The aim of this study is to identify potential risk factors of non-compliance with treatment when it is implemented by family in amblyopic children. Setting: a quantitative transversal study was performed in a public hospital and in a private clinic in Lisbon.

Mortality among patients with non-affective functional psychoses in a metropolitan area of South-Eastern Brazil

High mortality rates among those suffering from schizophrenia and related psychoses have been consistently described in developed societies. However, to date there is a lack of data on this matter in Brazil. In order to examine this issue, a prospective 2-year follow-up study was carried out in S. Paulo. The sample consisted of 120 consecutive admissions to psychiatric hospitals in a defined catchment area, aged 18 to 44 years old, with clinical diagnoses of non-affective functional psychoses according to the ICD-9. After 2 years, 116 (96.7%) subjects were traced. During the study period there were 7 deaths (6.0% of those traced), 5 (4.3%) due to suicide. All but one of the suicides occurred in the first year after discharge from hospital. Age and sex Standardised Mortality Ratios (relative to rates for the population of the city of Sao Paulo) were 8.4 for overall mortality (95% confidence interval: 4.0-15.9) and 317.9 for deaths due to suicide (95% confidence interval: 125.2-668.3). These results are in agreement with previous studies, and show that in Brazil non-affective functional psychoses are life-threatening illnesses, which need adequate care, particularly when patients go back to live in the community after hospital discharge.