Hutchison Family Papers - Accession 19

The Hutchison Family Papers consist of diaries, journals, speeches, correspondence, genealogical material and financial papers, concerning the personal and business affairs of a Rock Hill family. Subjects include post-colonial life in the Carolinas, the antebellum plantation system in South Carolina, post-Civil War cotton farming, especially the Rock Hill Cotton Mill, and Rock Hill during World War I. There is also material concerning relations and negotiations with the Catawba Indians by David Hutchison who was one of several commissioners designated by the South Carolina legislature to investigate Catawba land claims and leasing practices; and historical sketches of Glencairn Garden, the White House and the Oakland Avenue Presbyterian Church, all located in Rock Hill, South Carolina. There are also included in the “General Correspondence and Related Papers” series such records as: last will and testament, inventory lists, certificates of indentured servants, legislative acts, (eg. 1840 Treaty with the Catawba Indians) and other similar documents. Correspondents include Jude Grimke, A.E. Hutchison, David Hutchison, Hiram Hutchison, James Moore, John N. Morehead and Thomas Spratt.

Cattlemen's Conference

Many good things are happening in the Institute of Agriculture and Natural Resources. I thank each of you here today for the support and interest you show in the Institute's work. We greatly appreciate the value you put upon IANR, and the many times you step forward for the Institute and the work we do that is so important to our powerhouse agricultural state. IANR truly is at work for Nebraska. And thank you, also, for helping others understand that fact - for example, Homer Buell's testimony this spring before the legislature's appropriations committee was powerful and convincing evidence of the importance of IANR to Nebraska's future.

CROP DEPREDATIONS BY WATERFOWL IN WISCONSIN

On December 5, 1965 the Governor of Wisconsin signed into law a statute permitting claims against the State for damages to crops by wild geese and ducks. This law had been rushed through the legislature in the wake of a rash of crop depredation complaints caused by Canada Geese in their off-refuge feeding flights from the Horicon National Wildlife Refuge. This paper reviews our experiences with waterfowl depredations in the development of a cooperative program by State and Federal wildlife agencies that has held a potentially serious wildlife problem to a minimum of financial losses and public relations concern.

STATE REGISTRATION AND LICENSING REGULATIONS: A NEW PROGRAM (OHIO)

We enacted a bill in Ohio this year, Senate Bill 445, that has to do with the application of pesticides. It is a very wide bill as you would normally look at it with most of the meat going to come from the regulations that are presently being written into it. In other words, the framework was developed and accepted by the two houses in our state legislature and empowered the Director of Agriculture to establish the regulations or the so-called teeth to this bill. The governor signed the bill in June and it became effective in September. The committees as of this time are meeting to develop philosophies and regulations that will be promulgated and brought into hearings and sifted through, and eventually, with a target date of December of this year, (1970), brought to the Director of Agriculture's office for acceptance. There is a committee established for rodent and bird control which is very well represented by our industry here in Ohio. John Beck (Rose Exterminator Company) is the chairman of the committee, William B. Jackson (Bowling Green State University) and Robert Yaeger (Cincinnati) are also on the committee. The important feature of this new law, in terms of pest control operators, is the examinations that will be required. We operators and our service people will both be tested and licensed, if sufficient proficiency is demonstrated on the tests. For your information they use a little different terminology in the bill than we in the industry normally use. We think of an applicator in the industry as service people. In the bill an applicator is defined as an operator. Therefore in reading the law the word operator means the man who does the job, the service man. Just the reverse is true in the industry. We think of the operator as the man who owns or manages the company while these people are referred to in the bill as applicators. The Bill calls for the development of schools for the training of our people throughout the state. Those of us who are in bird control should begin to prepare ourselves to meet this request, to be available for the schooling, have our people available for the schooling, and give this program all the co-operation that we can.

The Probe, Issue 204 - September 1999

USFWS to Explore Canada Goose Management Strategies -- from a press release issued Aug. 3 by the US. Fish & Wildlife Service, written by Chris Tollefson. Anti-Trapping Measure Passes House Oregon Legislature Moves To Ensure Safety Of Its Citizens Against Cougars Acord Promoted Away From Wildlife Services New State Director US DA/APHIS in Mississippi is Kristina Godwin BOOk R e v i e w : "Living With Wildlife: How to Enjoy, Cope With, and Protect North America's Wild Creatures Around Your Home and Theirs," The California Center for Wildlife, with Diana Landau and Shelley Stump. San Francisco: A Sierra Club Book. 1994. 340 pp. + index $15.00. French Shepherds Protest Predators Rabbit Calicivirus Kills 65% of Rabbit Population Abstracts from the 2nd International Wildlife Management Congress, Hungary Crop Damage by Wildlife in Northern Ghana – O. I. Aalangdon* and A.S. Langyintuo, *Dept. of Renewable Natural Resources, University for Development Studies, Tamale Northern Region, Ghana Large Predators in Slovenia On the Way from Near Extermination to Overprotection and Back: Is Conservation Management of Large Predators in Cultural Landscapes Possible At All? -- M. Adamic, Chair of Wildlife Ecology, Biotechnical Faculty, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Human-wolf Conflicts in the East Baltic: Past, Present, and Future -- Z. Andersone*, L. Balciauskas, and H. Valdmann., *Kemeri National Park, KemeriJurmala, Latvia Gray Wolf Restoration in the Northwestern United States -- E.E. Bangs*, J.A. Fontaine, D.W. Smith, C. Mack, and C. C. Niemeyer, *U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, Helena, MT The Impact of Changing U.S. Demographics on the Future of Deer Hunting -- R. D. Brown, Wildlife & Fisheries Sciences, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX Management of Overabundant Marcropods in Nature Reserves: 6 Case Studies from Southeastern Australia -- G. Coulson, Dept. of Zoology,University of Melbourne,Parkville, Victoria, Australia

L'Ostruzionismo Parlamentare

Oggetto della ricerca è la tematica dell’opposizione parlamentare ed in particolare, il manifestarsi della stessa attraverso l’ostruzionismo praticato nelle assemblee legislative. La comprensione della funzione oppositoria è stata raggiunta assumendo come primigenio modello di riferimento l’esperienza presente nel sistema parlamentare inglese nel quale la dialettica democratica si svolge tra schieramenti nettamente contrapposti. L’approfondimento della figura oppositoria, poi, si è snodata nello studio delle diverse tipologie di opposizione conosciute nelle moderne democrazie, nonchè nella valutazione dei diversi livelli di riconoscimento che questa assume nei moderni contesti giuridici. Passando specificamente all’analisi dell’ostruzionismo parlamentare, la ricerca ha preliminarmente privilegiato lo studio dei soggetti che lo pongono in essere e del movente e delle finalità perseguite attraverso questa estrema forma di contestazione politica. Lo studio delle attività ostruzionistiche ha altresì valutato le modalità di esercizio ed i mezzi impiegati nella sua realizzazione, nonché le questioni di legittimità connesse a tale pratica. Ma è stata l’analisi dei regolamenti parlamentari, che com’è noto hanno subito le più incisive modificazioni quasi sempre in rapporto ad importanti episodi di ostruzionismo, a rappresentare il momento centrale del lavoro. Dopo la stagione di ostruzionismo esasperato degli anni settanta, all’interno del Parlamento sono cambiate le “regole del gioco” (considerate eccessivamente garantiste per le minoranze), in funzione dell’uso e non più dell’abuso del tempo da parte di tutti i soggetti istituzionali. L’effetto di tali riforme è stato quello di riqualificare la dialettica tra maggioranza ed opposizione, in particolare garantendo alla prima strumenti efficaci per conseguire il programma di Governo ed alla seconda strumenti che consentano di rendere visibili le proposte legislative alternative più qualificate. L’analisi dell’atteggiamento politico dell’opposizione parlamentare è stata altresì valutata alla luce degli effetti prodotti dalle ultime riforme elettorali e dalla loro incidenza sulle manifestazioni ostruzionistiche. La transizione (sia pure incompiuta) della forma di governo, attuata attraverso la trasformazione del sistema elettorale, ha segnato il passaggio da un sistema multipolare ad uno bipolare, con i conseguenti riflessi che si sono prodotti sui rapporti di forza tra maggioranza e opposizione. Nell’attuale logica bipolare, rimasta comunque immutata nonostante il ritorno ad un sistema elettorale nuovamente proporzionale caratterizzato dal premio di maggioranza, la riforma elettorale non ha lasciato indifferente l’atteggiarsi dell’ostruzionismo: il maggior potere, non solo numerico, che la maggioranza parlamentare è venuta ad assumere, ha spostato gli equilibri all’interno degli organi elettivi consentendo un’identificazione tra minoranza ed opposizione. Nel capitolo dedicato all’analisi dei regolamenti parlamentari è stata offerta una ricostruzione descrittiva dell’evoluzione subita dai regolamenti ed una di comparazione diacronica dei rimedi progressivamente adottati negli stessi per fronteggiare le possibili manifestazioni ostruzionistiche. Nella prospettiva di evidenziare le attuali dinamiche parlamentari, è stata affrontata una ricostruzione in chiave evolutiva subita dai regolamenti a partire dalla fase pre-repubblicana, fino ai regolamenti attualmente vigenti, ricomprendendo altresì le proposte di modifica allo stato in discussione in Parlamento. Dall’analisi complessiva è emerso che la debole razionalizzazione della forma di governo, il bicameralismo paritario ed indifferenziato, l’assenza di una riserva normativa a favore del governo e di strumenti giuridici per incidere sull’attività del Parlamento, hanno fatto sì che fossero i regolamenti parlamentari a dover supplire alla scarna disciplina costituzionale. A fronte della lenta ed incompiuta transizione della forma di governo parlamentare e dell’evolversi delle tecniche ostruzionistiche, si sono di conseguenza adeguate le misure di contenimento disciplinate nei regolamenti parlamentari. In questi ultimi dunque, è possibile rintracciare l’excursus storico delle misure adottate per regolare i possibili strumenti ostruzionistici previsti e disciplinati nelle procedure ed impiegati dalle minoranze per tentare di impedire la decisione finale. La comparazione, invece, ha evidenziato una progressiva opera di contenimento dei fenomeni ostruzionistici ottenuta essenzialmente con la razionalizzazione delle procedure parlamentari, l’introduzione del metodo della programmazione, del contingentamento dei tempi, nonché l’ampliamento dei poteri discrezionali dei Presidenti di assemblea nella loro opera di garanti della corretta dialettica parlamentare. A completamento del lavoro svolto è stato infine determinante la considerazione della concreta prassi parlamentare riscontrata nel corso delle legislature maggioritarie: la valutazione complessiva dei dati provenienti dal Servizio Studi della Camera, infatti, ha permesso di verificare come si sono manifestate in pratica le tecniche ostruzionistiche impiegate dall’opposizione per contrastare le politiche della maggioranza nel corso della XIII e della XIV Legislatura.

Profili di sommarizzazione del processo civile

La tesi intende offrire una panoramica approfondita dello strumento sommario, ed in particolare di come il legislatore ne abbia fatto uso nel nostro ordinamento, soprattutto nelle recenti riforme del codice di procedura civile. La candidata si sofferma, dapprima, in un’analisi generale circa la definizione del concetto stesso di sommarizzazione, anche attraverso la disamina delle varie posizioni dottrinali e giurisprudenziali emerse, sul punto, negli ultimi anni.

Autonomia finanziaria degli enti territoriali al tempo della crisi, tra unione europea e garanzia dei diritti

La tesi si propone di ricostruire la struttura attuale dell'autonomia finanziaria degli enti locali italiani, e in particolare le regioni italiane, alla luce delle riforme legislative e costituzionali approvate dal Parlamento italiano negli ultimi anni (come ad esempio il bilancio riforma costituzionale equilibrata del 2012). Lo studio si concentra sulla situazione italiana alla luce dei vincoli europei introdotti nel corso degli anni, da quelli contenuti nel Trattato di Maastricht a quelli derivati dalla crisi economica e finanziaria. L'obiettivo è quello di verificare se le scelte del legislatore italiano possano dirsi coerenti con il processo di unione politica europea e quali conseguenze abbiano avuto sulla garanzia dei diritti. In particolare, lo studio si concentra sulla garanzia dei diritti sociali nel contesto politico ed economico attuale, a livello europeo e nazionale, con particolare attenzione al diritto alla salute.

la necesidad de un proceso de homologacion para los acuerdos de refinanciación en la ley española

En esta tesis doctoral he encontrado un enorme problema en la regulación de los Acuerdos de Refinanciación en la Ley Concursal. Impide el derecho de defensa de los acreedores y de cualquier otro interesado. Por ello en aplicación de la Ley Concursal Italiana (modelo elegido por el legislador español) los problemas serían solucionados. La solución la encontramos mediante la inserción del proceso de homologación de los Acuerdos de Refinanciación en la Ley Concursal Española.

La funzione limitatrice dei principi - valori costituzionali nella giurisprudenza costituzionale. Riflessi ed implicazioni sulla legalità penale

La tesi di ricerca si propone di indagare il riflesso che i principi/valori producono sul parametro nel sindacato di legittimità costituzionale, al fine di verificarne le implicazioni sulla legalità, in termini di prevedibilità e certezza. In particolare, delineata la connessione tra principi e valori costituzionali e, ricostruito, secondo la teoria dell'ordinamento, il rapporto tra valori e normatività,si analizzano i riflessi prodotti, sul piano interpretativo, dall’apertura del parametro costituzionale alla logica dei valori, enfatizzandone le ricadute sul controllo di costituzionalità delle leggi. Identificato il nesso tra principi e valori nella capacità funzionale dei primi di realizzare i diritti fondamentali, si è inteso rimarcare come la più estesa realizzazione dei principi-valori costituzionali potrebbe compiersi a spese della legge e della certezza del diritto, in una relazione inversamente proporzionale. Ciò apparirebbe evidente dall’ottica privilegiata della materia penale, per cui una legalità materiale, letta alla luce di criteri di adeguatezza e di ragionevole proporzione, seppur vicina alle esigenze di giustizia del caso concreto, se spinta in eccessi interpretativi rischia di invadere il campo del legislatore, unico deputato a compiere scelte di valore.

Il diritto alla mobilita' fra dimensione europea, costituzioni statali e autonomie territoriali

La tesi si prefigge l'obbiettivo di offrire una ricostruzione logico sistematica della disciplina giuridica che regola i trasporti pubblici locali in ambito regionale, statale e comunitario, affrontando le principali questioni interpretative e di coordinamento che esse pongono. Nella primo capitolo, viene analizzato l'evoluzione storica della normativa nazionale che regola il trasporto pubblico locale, soffermandosi soprattutto sulla riforma del trasporto pubblico locale introdotte dal d.lgs. 422/1997. Particolare attenzione è stata posta agli aspetti di programmazione e finanziamento nonché alle modalità di gestione del trasporto pubblico locale, in quanto il quadro normativo applicabile è caratterizzato da un’estrema complessità dovuta ai numerosi interventi legislativi. Nel secondo capitolo viene esaminato l'evoluzione dell'intervento comunitario in materi di trasporto pubblico locale, partendo dal (CE) n. 1191/69 che si limitava a disciplinare gli aiuti di Stato, fino alla normativa quadro per il settore (Regolamento (CE) n. 1370/2007). L'obbiettivo è quello di verificare se le scelte del legislatore italiano, per quanto concerne le modalità di gestione del trasporto pubblico locale possano dirsi coerenti con le scelte a livello comunitario previste dal Regolamento (CE) n. 1370/2007. Viene inoltre affronta la questione dell'articolazione della potestà normativa e amministrativa del settore dei trasporti pubblici locali nelle disposizioni del Titolo V della Costituzione. Lo studio si sofferma soprattutto sulla giurisprudenza della Corte costituzionale per tracciare una chiara individuazione del riparto delle competenze tra Stato e Regioni in materia. Infine nell'ultima parte, esamina le diverse problematiche interpretative e applicative della normativa che disciplina il settore del TPL, dovute all'azzeramento della normativa generale dei servizi pubblici locali di rilevanza economica in seguito al referendum abrogativo del 12 e 13 giugno 2011, nonché della illegittimità costituzionale della normativa contenuta nell'art 4 del d.l. n. 138/2011, ad opera della sentenza della Corte costituzionale n. 199/2012.

Government Influence and the Failure of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac

In 2008 two government-sponsored enterprises, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, were placed into conservatorship due to insolvency. The financial bailout of the two publically traded corporations came at the expense of the American tax payer. This study investigates the relationship between direct and indirect government influence and the increasing risk taking of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac from the late 1990’s through their conservatorship in 2008. As government-sponsored enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have many special advantages that other publically traded companies did not possess. These advantages allowed Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to increase their profitability. Theoretical literature regarding Congress and the bureaucracy suggests that the actions of bureaucrats can be linked to the preferences of Congressional members because bureaucrats are responsive to potential threats or perceived threats from the legislature. This theory is applicable to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and is used to explain why the government was able to directly and indirectly influence the government-sponsored enterprises. Overall this investigation has determined that the United States government pursued a clear mission that determined to increase the availability of housing to all Americans, specifically to low-income and under-served individuals, through the use of the government-sponsored enterprises. Despite this link there is no conclusive data to show that the pursuit of this housing mission led Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to operate in riskier business segments. This study has also found that motivation regarding profit-seeking and compensation structure provide a more plausible explanation for why the government-sponsored enterprises began to engage in riskier business practices that led to their insolvency.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

Ted Schwinden, Reflections on Montana’s Years of Transformational Change

Ted Schwinden, Montana’s 19th Governor (1981-89), was deeply involved in the major transformational changes in Montana and its government between 1959 and 1989. From when he first went to the Legislature in 1959, though his tenure as State Lands Commissioner for both Governor Forrest Anderson and Governor Tom Judge, his four years as Lieutenant Governor with Governor Judge, and his own eight-year tenure as Governor, Ted Schwinden was present at the creation of much major change in Montana during that transformational period. This 136 minute video reflection was filmed on August 26, 2013 in Helena, MT, at the home of Dore Schwinden, Ted’s son, and is an interview/discussion with Evan Barrett of Highlands College/Montana Tech. Barrett was himself a lesser participant and observer of much of that period of change. He has spent the last forty-four years at the top level of Montana government, politics, economic development and education. The film is the first of a number of Montana Historical Films planned by Barrett and was done as a part of Barrett’s class at Highlands College in Fall Semester 2013: “20th Century Montana – People, Policies & Perspectives.”

Governor Forrest Anderson’s Leadership & Political Acumen -- Alec Hansen “In the Crucible of Change”

Montana Governor Forrest Anderson was perhaps the most experienced and qualified person ever to be elected as Governor of Montana. Having previously served as a county attorney, a member of the legislature, a Supreme Court Justice, and twelve years as Attorney General, Anderson roared to a large victory in 1968 over the Incumbent GOP Governor Tim Babcock. Though the progressive change period in Montana began a few years earlier, Anderson’s 1968 win catapulted progressive policy-making into the mainstream of Montana political and governmental affairs. He used his unique skills and leadership to craftily architect the reorganization of the executive branch which had been kept weak since statehood so that the peoples’ government would not be able to challenge corporations who so dominated Montana. Anderson, whose “Pay More, What For?” campaign slogan strongly separated him from Tim Babcock and the GOP on the sales tax issue, not only beat back the regressive sales tax in the 1968 election, but oversaw its demise at the polls in 1971, shaping politics in Montana for decades to come. Anderson also was a strong proponent of the concept of a new Montana Constitution and contributed strategically to its calling and passage. Anderson served only one term as Governor for health reasons, but made those four years a launch pad for progressive politics and government in Montana. In this film, Alec Hansen, Special Assistant to Governor Anderson, provides an insider’s perspective as he reflects on the unique way in which Governor Anderson got things done at this critical period “In the Crucible of Change.” Alec Hansen is best known in Montana political and governmental circles as the long-time chief of the Montana League of Cities and Towns, but he cut his teeth in public service with Governor Forrest Anderson. Alec was born in Butte in 1941, attended local schools graduating from Butte High in 1959. After several years working as a miner and warehouseman for the Anaconda Company in Butte, he attended UM and graduated in History and Political Science in 1966. He joined the U.S. Navy and served with amphibious forces in Vietnam. After discharge from the Navy in 1968, he worked as a news and sports reporter for The Montana Standard in Butte until in September of 1969 he joined Governor Anderson as a Special Assistant focused on press, communications and speech-writing. Alec has noted that drafts were turned into pure Forrest Anderson remarks by the man himself. He learned at the knee of “The Fox” for the rest of Anderson’s term and continued with Governor Tom Judge for two years before returning to Butte to work for the Anaconda Company as the Director of Communications for Montana operations. In 1978, after Anaconda was acquired by the Atlantic Richfield Company, Alec went to work in February for U.S. Senator Paul Hatfield in Washington D.C., leaving after Hatfield’s primary election loss in June 1978. He went back to work for Gov. Judge, remaining until the end of 1980. In 1981 Alec worked as a contract lobbyist and news and sports reporter for the Associated Press in Helena. In 1982, the Montana League of Cities and Towns hired him as Executive Director, a position he held until retirement in 2014. Alec and his wife Colleen, are the parents of two grown children, with one grandson.