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Social software tools have become an integral part of students? personal lives and their primary communication medium. Likewise, these tools are increasingly entering the enterprise world (within the recent trend known as Enterprise 2.0) and becoming a part of everyday work routines. Aiming to keep the pace with the job requirements and also to position learning as an integral part of students? life, the field of education is challenged to embrace social software. Personal Learning Environments (PLEs) emerged as a concept that makes use of social software to facilitate collaboration, knowledge sharing, group formation around common interests, active participation and reflective thinking in online learning settings. Furthermore, social software allows for establishing and maintaining one?s presence in the online world. By being aware of a student's online presence, a PLE is better able to personalize the learning settings, e.g., through recommendation of content to use or people to collaborate with. Aiming to explore the potentials of online presence for the provision of recommendations in PLEs, in the scope of the OP4L project, we have develop a software solution that is based on a synergy of Semantic Web technologies, online presence and socially-oriented learning theories. In this paper we present the current results of this research work.

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Internet está evolucionando hacia la conocida como Live Web. En esta nueva etapa en la evolución de Internet, se pone al servicio de los usuarios multitud de streams de datos sociales. Gracias a estas fuentes de datos, los usuarios han pasado de navegar por páginas web estáticas a interacturar con aplicaciones que ofrecen contenido personalizado, basada en sus preferencias. Cada usuario interactúa a diario con multiples aplicaciones que ofrecen notificaciones y alertas, en este sentido cada usuario es una fuente de eventos, y a menudo los usuarios se sienten desbordados y no son capaces de procesar toda esa información a la carta. Para lidiar con esta sobresaturación, han aparecido múltiples herramientas que automatizan las tareas más habituales, desde gestores de bandeja de entrada, gestores de alertas en redes sociales, a complejos CRMs o smart-home hubs. La contrapartida es que aunque ofrecen una solución a problemas comunes, no pueden adaptarse a las necesidades de cada usuario ofreciendo una solucion personalizada. Los Servicios de Automatización de Tareas (TAS de sus siglas en inglés) entraron en escena a partir de 2012 para dar solución a esta liminación. Dada su semejanza, estos servicios también son considerados como un nuevo enfoque en la tecnología de mash-ups pero centra en el usuarios. Los usuarios de estas plataformas tienen la capacidad de interconectar servicios, sensores y otros aparatos con connexión a internet diseñando las automatizaciones que se ajustan a sus necesidades. La propuesta ha sido ámpliamante aceptada por los usuarios. Este hecho ha propiciado multitud de plataformas que ofrecen servicios TAS entren en escena. Al ser un nuevo campo de investigación, esta tesis presenta las principales características de los TAS, describe sus componentes, e identifica las dimensiones fundamentales que los defines y permiten su clasificación. En este trabajo se acuña el termino Servicio de Automatización de Tareas (TAS) dando una descripción formal para estos servicios y sus componentes (llamados canales), y proporciona una arquitectura de referencia. De igual forma, existe una falta de herramientas para describir servicios de automatización, y las reglas de automatización. A este respecto, esta tesis propone un modelo común que se concreta en la ontología EWE (Evented WEb Ontology). Este modelo permite com parar y equiparar canales y automatizaciones de distintos TASs, constituyendo un aporte considerable paraa la portabilidad de automatizaciones de usuarios entre plataformas. De igual manera, dado el carácter semántico del modelo, permite incluir en las automatizaciones elementos de fuentes externas sobre los que razonar, como es el caso de Linked Open Data. Utilizando este modelo, se ha generado un dataset de canales y automatizaciones, con los datos obtenidos de algunos de los TAS existentes en el mercado. Como último paso hacia el lograr un modelo común para describir TAS, se ha desarrollado un algoritmo para aprender ontologías de forma automática a partir de los datos del dataset. De esta forma, se favorece el descubrimiento de nuevos canales, y se reduce el coste de mantenimiento del modelo, el cual se actualiza de forma semi-automática. En conclusión, las principales contribuciones de esta tesis son: i) describir el estado del arte en automatización de tareas y acuñar el término Servicio de Automatización de Tareas, ii) desarrollar una ontología para el modelado de los componentes de TASs y automatizaciones, iii) poblar un dataset de datos de canales y automatizaciones, usado para desarrollar un algoritmo de aprendizaje automatico de ontologías, y iv) diseñar una arquitectura de agentes para la asistencia a usuarios en la creación de automatizaciones. ABSTRACT The new stage in the evolution of the Web (the Live Web or Evented Web) puts lots of social data-streams at the service of users, who no longer browse static web pages but interact with applications that present them contextual and relevant experiences. Given that each user is a potential source of events, a typical user often gets overwhelmed. To deal with that huge amount of data, multiple automation tools have emerged, covering from simple social media managers or notification aggregators to complex CRMs or smart-home Hub/Apps. As a downside, they cannot tailor to the needs of every single user. As a natural response to this downside, Task Automation Services broke in the Internet. They may be seen as a new model of mash-up technology for combining social streams, services and connected devices from an end-user perspective: end-users are empowered to connect those stream however they want, designing the automations they need. The numbers of those platforms that appeared early on shot up, and as a consequence the amount of platforms following this approach is growing fast. Being a novel field, this thesis aims to shed light on it, presenting and exemplifying the main characteristics of Task Automation Services, describing their components, and identifying several dimensions to classify them. This thesis coins the term Task Automation Services (TAS) by providing a formal definition of them, their components (called channels), as well a TAS reference architecture. There is also a lack of tools for describing automation services and automations rules. In this regard, this thesis proposes a theoretical common model of TAS and formalizes it as the EWE ontology This model enables to compare channels and automations from different TASs, which has a high impact in interoperability; and enhances automations providing a mechanism to reason over external sources such as Linked Open Data. Based on this model, a dataset of components of TAS was built, harvesting data from the web sites of actual TASs. Going a step further towards this common model, an algorithm for categorizing them was designed, enabling their discovery across different TAS. Thus, the main contributions of the thesis are: i) surveying the state of the art on task automation and coining the term Task Automation Service; ii) providing a semantic common model for describing TAS components and automations; iii) populating a categorized dataset of TAS components, used to learn ontologies of particular domains from the TAS perspective; and iv) designing an agent architecture for assisting users in setting up automations, that is aware of their context and acts in consequence.

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Entendemos por inteligencia colectiva una forma de inteligencia que surge de la colaboración y la participación de varios individuos o, siendo más estrictos, varias entidades. En base a esta sencilla definición podemos observar que este concepto es campo de estudio de las más diversas disciplinas como pueden ser la sociología, las tecnologías de la información o la biología, atendiendo cada una de ellas a un tipo de entidades diferentes: seres humanos, elementos de computación o animales. Como elemento común podríamos indicar que la inteligencia colectiva ha tenido como objetivo el ser capaz de fomentar una inteligencia de grupo que supere a la inteligencia individual de las entidades que lo forman a través de mecanismos de coordinación, cooperación, competencia, integración, diferenciación, etc. Sin embargo, aunque históricamente la inteligencia colectiva se ha podido desarrollar de forma paralela e independiente en las distintas disciplinas que la tratan, en la actualidad, los avances en las tecnologías de la información han provocado que esto ya no sea suficiente. Hoy en día seres humanos y máquinas a través de todo tipo de redes de comunicación e interfaces, conviven en un entorno en el que la inteligencia colectiva ha cobrado una nueva dimensión: ya no sólo puede intentar obtener un comportamiento superior al de sus entidades constituyentes sino que ahora, además, estas inteligencias individuales son completamente diferentes unas de otras y aparece por lo tanto el doble reto de ser capaces de gestionar esta gran heterogeneidad y al mismo tiempo ser capaces de obtener comportamientos aún más inteligentes gracias a las sinergias que los distintos tipos de inteligencias pueden generar. Dentro de las áreas de trabajo de la inteligencia colectiva existen varios campos abiertos en los que siempre se intenta obtener unas prestaciones superiores a las de los individuos. Por ejemplo: consciencia colectiva, memoria colectiva o sabiduría colectiva. Entre todos estos campos nosotros nos centraremos en uno que tiene presencia en la práctica totalidad de posibles comportamientos inteligentes: la toma de decisiones. El campo de estudio de la toma de decisiones es realmente amplio y dentro del mismo la evolución ha sido completamente paralela a la que citábamos anteriormente en referencia a la inteligencia colectiva. En primer lugar se centró en el individuo como entidad decisoria para posteriormente desarrollarse desde un punto de vista social, institucional, etc. La primera fase dentro del estudio de la toma de decisiones se basó en la utilización de paradigmas muy sencillos: análisis de ventajas e inconvenientes, priorización basada en la maximización de algún parámetro del resultado, capacidad para satisfacer los requisitos de forma mínima por parte de las alternativas, consultas a expertos o entidades autorizadas o incluso el azar. Sin embargo, al igual que el paso del estudio del individuo al grupo supone una nueva dimensión dentro la inteligencia colectiva la toma de decisiones colectiva supone un nuevo reto en todas las disciplinas relacionadas. Además, dentro de la decisión colectiva aparecen dos nuevos frentes: los sistemas de decisión centralizados y descentralizados. En el presente proyecto de tesis nos centraremos en este segundo, que es el que supone una mayor atractivo tanto por las posibilidades de generar nuevo conocimiento y trabajar con problemas abiertos actualmente así como en lo que respecta a la aplicabilidad de los resultados que puedan obtenerse. Ya por último, dentro del campo de los sistemas de decisión descentralizados existen varios mecanismos fundamentales que dan lugar a distintas aproximaciones a la problemática propia de este campo. Por ejemplo el liderazgo, la imitación, la prescripción o el miedo. Nosotros nos centraremos en uno de los más multidisciplinares y con mayor capacidad de aplicación en todo tipo de disciplinas y que, históricamente, ha demostrado que puede dar lugar a prestaciones muy superiores a otros tipos de mecanismos de decisión descentralizados: la confianza y la reputación. Resumidamente podríamos indicar que confianza es la creencia por parte de una entidad que otra va a realizar una determinada actividad de una forma concreta. En principio es algo subjetivo, ya que la confianza de dos entidades diferentes sobre una tercera no tiene porqué ser la misma. Por otro lado, la reputación es la idea colectiva (o evaluación social) que distintas entidades de un sistema tiene sobre otra entidad del mismo en lo que respecta a un determinado criterio. Es por tanto una información de carácter colectivo pero única dentro de un sistema, no asociada a cada una de las entidades del sistema sino por igual a todas ellas. En estas dos sencillas definiciones se basan la inmensa mayoría de sistemas colectivos. De hecho muchas disertaciones indican que ningún tipo de organización podría ser viable de no ser por la existencia y la utilización de los conceptos de confianza y reputación. A partir de ahora, a todo sistema que utilice de una u otra forma estos conceptos lo denominaremos como sistema de confianza y reputación (o TRS, Trust and Reputation System). Sin embargo, aunque los TRS son uno de los aspectos de nuestras vidas más cotidianos y con un mayor campo de aplicación, el conocimiento que existe actualmente sobre ellos no podría ser más disperso. Existen un gran número de trabajos científicos en todo tipo de áreas de conocimiento: filosofía, psicología, sociología, economía, política, tecnologías de la información, etc. Pero el principal problema es que no existe una visión completa de la confianza y reputación en su sentido más amplio. Cada disciplina focaliza sus estudios en unos aspectos u otros dentro de los TRS, pero ninguna de ellas trata de explotar el conocimiento generado en el resto para mejorar sus prestaciones en su campo de aplicación concreto. Aspectos muy detallados en algunas áreas de conocimiento son completamente obviados por otras, o incluso aspectos tratados por distintas disciplinas, al ser estudiados desde distintos puntos de vista arrojan resultados complementarios que, sin embargo, no son aprovechados fuera de dichas áreas de conocimiento. Esto nos lleva a una dispersión de conocimiento muy elevada y a una falta de reutilización de metodologías, políticas de actuación y técnicas de una disciplina a otra. Debido su vital importancia, esta alta dispersión de conocimiento se trata de uno de los principales problemas que se pretenden resolver con el presente trabajo de tesis. Por otro lado, cuando se trabaja con TRS, todos los aspectos relacionados con la seguridad están muy presentes ya que muy este es un tema vital dentro del campo de la toma de decisiones. Además también es habitual que los TRS se utilicen para desempeñar responsabilidades que aportan algún tipo de funcionalidad relacionada con el mundo de la seguridad. Por último no podemos olvidar que el acto de confiar está indefectiblemente unido al de delegar una determinada responsabilidad, y que al tratar estos conceptos siempre aparece la idea de riesgo, riesgo de que las expectativas generadas por el acto de la delegación no se cumplan o se cumplan de forma diferente. Podemos ver por lo tanto que cualquier sistema que utiliza la confianza para mejorar o posibilitar su funcionamiento, por su propia naturaleza, es especialmente vulnerable si las premisas en las que se basa son atacadas. En este sentido podemos comprobar (tal y como analizaremos en más detalle a lo largo del presente documento) que las aproximaciones que realizan las distintas disciplinas que tratan la violación de los sistemas de confianza es de lo más variado. únicamente dentro del área de las tecnologías de la información se ha intentado utilizar alguno de los enfoques de otras disciplinas de cara a afrontar problemas relacionados con la seguridad de TRS. Sin embargo se trata de una aproximación incompleta y, normalmente, realizada para cumplir requisitos de aplicaciones concretas y no con la idea de afianzar una base de conocimiento más general y reutilizable en otros entornos. Con todo esto en cuenta, podemos resumir contribuciones del presente trabajo de tesis en las siguientes. • La realización de un completo análisis del estado del arte dentro del mundo de la confianza y la reputación que nos permite comparar las ventajas e inconvenientes de las diferentes aproximación que se realizan a estos conceptos en distintas áreas de conocimiento. • La definición de una arquitectura de referencia para TRS que contempla todas las entidades y procesos que intervienen en este tipo de sistemas. • La definición de un marco de referencia para analizar la seguridad de TRS. Esto implica tanto identificar los principales activos de un TRS en lo que respecta a la seguridad, así como el crear una tipología de posibles ataques y contramedidas en base a dichos activos. • La propuesta de una metodología para el análisis, el diseño, el aseguramiento y el despliegue de un TRS en entornos reales. Adicionalmente se exponen los principales tipos de aplicaciones que pueden obtenerse de los TRS y los medios para maximizar sus prestaciones en cada una de ellas. • La generación de un software que permite simular cualquier tipo de TRS en base a la arquitectura propuesta previamente. Esto permite evaluar las prestaciones de un TRS bajo una determinada configuración en un entorno controlado previamente a su despliegue en un entorno real. Igualmente es de gran utilidad para evaluar la resistencia a distintos tipos de ataques o mal-funcionamientos del sistema. Además de las contribuciones realizadas directamente en el campo de los TRS, hemos realizado aportaciones originales a distintas áreas de conocimiento gracias a la aplicación de las metodologías de análisis y diseño citadas con anterioridad. • Detección de anomalías térmicas en Data Centers. Hemos implementado con éxito un sistema de deteción de anomalías térmicas basado en un TRS. Comparamos la detección de prestaciones de algoritmos de tipo Self-Organized Maps (SOM) y Growing Neural Gas (GNG). Mostramos como SOM ofrece mejores resultados para anomalías en los sistemas de refrigeración de la sala mientras que GNG es una opción más adecuada debido a sus tasas de detección y aislamiento para casos de anomalías provocadas por una carga de trabajo excesiva. • Mejora de las prestaciones de recolección de un sistema basado en swarm computing y odometría social. Gracias a la implementación de un TRS conseguimos mejorar las capacidades de coordinación de una red de robots autónomos distribuidos. La principal contribución reside en el análisis y la validación de las mejoras increméntales que pueden conseguirse con la utilización apropiada de la información existente en el sistema y que puede ser relevante desde el punto de vista de un TRS, y con la implementación de algoritmos de cálculo de confianza basados en dicha información. • Mejora de la seguridad de Wireless Mesh Networks contra ataques contra la integridad, la confidencialidad o la disponibilidad de los datos y / o comunicaciones soportadas por dichas redes. • Mejora de la seguridad de Wireless Sensor Networks contra ataques avanzamos, como insider attacks, ataques desconocidos, etc. Gracias a las metodologías presentadas implementamos contramedidas contra este tipo de ataques en entornos complejos. En base a los experimentos realizados, hemos demostrado que nuestra aproximación es capaz de detectar y confinar varios tipos de ataques que afectan a los protocoles esenciales de la red. La propuesta ofrece unas velocidades de detección muy altas así como demuestra que la inclusión de estos mecanismos de actuación temprana incrementa significativamente el esfuerzo que un atacante tiene que introducir para comprometer la red. Finalmente podríamos concluir que el presente trabajo de tesis supone la generación de un conocimiento útil y aplicable a entornos reales, que nos permite la maximización de las prestaciones resultantes de la utilización de TRS en cualquier tipo de campo de aplicación. De esta forma cubrimos la principal carencia existente actualmente en este campo, que es la falta de una base de conocimiento común y agregada y la inexistencia de una metodología para el desarrollo de TRS que nos permita analizar, diseñar, asegurar y desplegar TRS de una forma sistemática y no artesanal y ad-hoc como se hace en la actualidad. ABSTRACT By collective intelligence we understand a form of intelligence that emerges from the collaboration and competition of many individuals, or strictly speaking, many entities. Based on this simple definition, we can see how this concept is the field of study of a wide range of disciplines, such as sociology, information science or biology, each of them focused in different kinds of entities: human beings, computational resources, or animals. As a common factor, we can point that collective intelligence has always had the goal of being able of promoting a group intelligence that overcomes the individual intelligence of the basic entities that constitute it. This can be accomplished through different mechanisms such as coordination, cooperation, competence, integration, differentiation, etc. Collective intelligence has historically been developed in a parallel and independent way among the different disciplines that deal with it. However, this is not enough anymore due to the advances in information technologies. Nowadays, human beings and machines coexist in environments where collective intelligence has taken a new dimension: we yet have to achieve a better collective behavior than the individual one, but now we also have to deal with completely different kinds of individual intelligences. Therefore, we have a double goal: being able to deal with this heterogeneity and being able to get even more intelligent behaviors thanks to the synergies that the different kinds of intelligence can generate. Within the areas of collective intelligence there are several open topics where they always try to get better performances from groups than from the individuals. For example: collective consciousness, collective memory, or collective wisdom. Among all these topics we will focus on collective decision making, that has influence in most of the collective intelligent behaviors. The field of study of decision making is really wide, and its evolution has been completely parallel to the aforementioned collective intelligence. Firstly, it was focused on the individual as the main decision-making entity, but later it became involved in studying social and institutional groups as basic decision-making entities. The first studies within the decision-making discipline were based on simple paradigms, such as pros and cons analysis, criteria prioritization, fulfillment, following orders, or even chance. However, in the same way that studying the community instead of the individual meant a paradigm shift within collective intelligence, collective decision-making means a new challenge for all the related disciplines. Besides, two new main topics come up when dealing with collective decision-making: centralized and decentralized decision-making systems. In this thesis project we focus in the second one, because it is the most interesting based on the opportunities to generate new knowledge and deal with open issues in this area, as well as these results can be put into practice in a wider set of real-life environments. Finally, within the decentralized collective decision-making systems discipline, there are several basic mechanisms that lead to different approaches to the specific problems of this field, for example: leadership, imitation, prescription, or fear. We will focus on trust and reputation. They are one of the most multidisciplinary concepts and with more potential for applying them in every kind of environments. Besides, they have historically shown that they can generate better performance than other decentralized decision-making mechanisms. Shortly, we say trust is the belief of one entity that the outcome of other entities’ actions is going to be in a specific way. It is a subjective concept because the trust of two different entities in another one does not have to be the same. Reputation is the collective idea (or social evaluation) that a group of entities within a system have about another entity based on a specific criterion. Thus, it is a collective concept in its origin. It is important to say that the behavior of most of the collective systems are based on these two simple definitions. In fact, a lot of articles and essays describe how any organization would not be viable if the ideas of trust and reputation did not exist. From now on, we call Trust an Reputation System (TRS) to any kind of system that uses these concepts. Even though TRSs are one of the most common everyday aspects in our lives, the existing knowledge about them could not be more dispersed. There are thousands of scientific works in every field of study related to trust and reputation: philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, politics, information sciences, etc. But the main issue is that a comprehensive vision of trust and reputation for all these disciplines does not exist. Every discipline focuses its studies on a specific set of topics but none of them tries to take advantage of the knowledge generated in the other disciplines to improve its behavior or performance. Detailed topics in some fields are completely obviated in others, and even though the study of some topics within several disciplines produces complementary results, these results are not used outside the discipline where they were generated. This leads us to a very high knowledge dispersion and to a lack in the reuse of methodologies, policies and techniques among disciplines. Due to its great importance, this high dispersion of trust and reputation knowledge is one of the main problems this thesis contributes to solve. When we work with TRSs, all the aspects related to security are a constant since it is a vital aspect within the decision-making systems. Besides, TRS are often used to perform some responsibilities related to security. Finally, we cannot forget that the act of trusting is invariably attached to the act of delegating a specific responsibility and, when we deal with these concepts, the idea of risk is always present. This refers to the risk of generated expectations not being accomplished or being accomplished in a different way we anticipated. Thus, we can see that any system using trust to improve or enable its behavior, because of its own nature, is especially vulnerable if the premises it is based on are attacked. Related to this topic, we can see that the approaches of the different disciplines that study attacks of trust and reputation are very diverse. Some attempts of using approaches of other disciplines have been made within the information science area of knowledge, but these approaches are usually incomplete, not systematic and oriented to achieve specific requirements of specific applications. They never try to consolidate a common base of knowledge that could be reusable in other context. Based on all these ideas, this work makes the following direct contributions to the field of TRS: • The compilation of the most relevant existing knowledge related to trust and reputation management systems focusing on their advantages and disadvantages. • We define a generic architecture for TRS, identifying the main entities and processes involved. • We define a generic security framework for TRS. We identify the main security assets and propose a complete taxonomy of attacks for TRS. • We propose and validate a methodology to analyze, design, secure and deploy TRS in real-life environments. Additionally we identify the principal kind of applications we can implement with TRS and how TRS can provide a specific functionality. • We develop a software component to validate and optimize the behavior of a TRS in order to achieve a specific functionality or performance. In addition to the contributions made directly to the field of the TRS, we have made original contributions to different areas of knowledge thanks to the application of the analysis, design and security methodologies previously presented: • Detection of thermal anomalies in Data Centers. Thanks to the application of the TRS analysis and design methodologies, we successfully implemented a thermal anomaly detection system based on a TRS.We compare the detection performance of Self-Organized- Maps and Growing Neural Gas algorithms. We show how SOM provides better results for Computer Room Air Conditioning anomaly detection, yielding detection rates of 100%, in training data with malfunctioning sensors. We also show that GNG yields better detection and isolation rates for workload anomaly detection, reducing the false positive rate when compared to SOM. • Improving the performance of a harvesting system based on swarm computing and social odometry. Through the implementation of a TRS, we achieved to improve the ability of coordinating a distributed network of autonomous robots. The main contribution lies in the analysis and validation of the incremental improvements that can be achieved with proper use information that exist in the system and that are relevant for the TRS, and the implementation of the appropriated trust algorithms based on such information. • Improving Wireless Mesh Networks security against attacks against the integrity, confidentiality or availability of data and communications supported by these networks. Thanks to the implementation of a TRS we improved the detection time rate against these kind of attacks and we limited their potential impact over the system. • We improved the security of Wireless Sensor Networks against advanced attacks, such as insider attacks, unknown attacks, etc. Thanks to the TRS analysis and design methodologies previously described, we implemented countermeasures against such attacks in a complex environment. In our experiments we have demonstrated that our system is capable of detecting and confining various attacks that affect the core network protocols. We have also demonstrated that our approach is capable of rapid attack detection. Also, it has been proven that the inclusion of the proposed detection mechanisms significantly increases the effort the attacker has to introduce in order to compromise the network. Finally we can conclude that, to all intents and purposes, this thesis offers a useful and applicable knowledge in real-life environments that allows us to maximize the performance of any system based on a TRS. Thus, we deal with the main deficiency of this discipline: the lack of a common and complete base of knowledge and the lack of a methodology for the development of TRS that allow us to analyze, design, secure and deploy TRS in a systematic way.

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El siglo XIX fue un siglo dedicado a los grandes edificios públicos. Los teatros, las academias, los museos. Sin embargo la arquitectura durante el siglo XX se dedicará al estudio de la casa. Todos los usos y tipologías se verán fuertemente revisados pero el núcleo de todos los esfuerzos y verdadero inicio de la arquitectura moderna será la vivienda. A partir de ella todos los preceptos modernos se irán aplicando a los distintos programas. Nikolaus Pevsner señala a William Morris como el primer arquitecto moderno porque precisamente entendió que un arte verdaderamente social, en consonancia con su tiempo y la sociedad a la que sirve, ha de ocuparse de aquello que preocupe a la gente. Con la nueva situación de la vivienda en el centro de las motivaciones disciplinares el mueble adopta un nuevo protagonismo. En un momento avanzado de su carrera Marcel Breuer observa entre curioso e irónico cómo el mueble moderno había sido promocionado paradójicamente no por los diseñadores de muebles sino por los arquitectos1. La respuesta la da Le Corbusier en una de sus conferencias de 1931 recogida en Precisiones 2 cuando señala la reformulación del mobiliario como el "nudo gordiano" de cuya resolución pendía la renovación de la planta moderna. El Movimiento Moderno se había visto obligado a atacar este tema para poder avanzar en sus propuestas domésticas. El Movimiento Moderno se propuso solucionar los problemas de la vivienda y de una Europa en reconstrucción pero se exigía además ser capaz de aportar una visión propositiva de la vida moderna. No se trataba únicamente de resolver los problemas ya existentes sino que además había la necesidad autoimpuesta de anticipar la domesticidad del futuro. Para ello sus viviendas al completo, mueble e inmueble, debían de presentarse bajo esa nueva imagen. El manifiesto fundacional de la Deustcher Werkbund extendía el radio de acción del nuevo arquitecto desde la construcción de las ciudades a los cojines del sofá. Este mobiliario tenía la compleja misión de condensar sintéticamente todos esos ideales que la modernidad había traído consigo: abstracción, higiene, fascinación maquínica, confianza positivista en la ciencia o la expresión material optimizada. Objetos de la vida moderna, en palabras de Le Corbusier, susceptibles de suscitar un estado de vida moderno. Pocas sillas en la historia del diseño habrán acarreado tanta polémica y tanta disputa por su autoría como la sillas voladas de tubo de acero en sus diferentes versiones. Para entenderlo situémonos en el año 1927 a las puertas de la exposición "Die Wohnung" ("La vivienda") organizada por los maestros de la Bauhaus y dirigida por Mies van der Rohe en la ladera Weissenhof de Stuttgart. Muchos nombres célebres de la arquitectura mostraron en esa ocasión su personal propuesta para la vivienda moderna y los objetos que la habitan. Entre ellos los muebles con tubo de acero fueron una presencia constante en la exposición pero hubo una pieza que destacó sobre todas las demás por su novedad y audacia. La pieza en cuestión era el modelo de silla volada, esto es, sin apoyos posteriores y cuya rigidez estaba conferida al esfuerzo solidario de la estructura continua de tubo de acero y que terminaría por convertirse en el cruce de caminos de tres figuras de la disciplina arquitectónica: Marcel Breuer, Mies van der Rohe y Mart Stam. Cada uno de ellos desarrolló su propio modelo de silla volada en sus versiones MR por parte de Mies, L&C Arnold de Stam y el posterior modelo BR 33 de Marcel Breuer. Los tres, en algún momento de su vida reclamaron de uno u otro modo su autoría como objetos que les pertenecían intelectualmente. Estas sillas se convirtieron en la expresión máxima de uno de los ansiados anhelos de la modernidad, la propia materialidad del acero, en su versión optimizada, era la que había derivado en una forma completamente nueva de un objeto cotidiano y cuyo tipo estaba ya totalmente asumido. Los nuevos materiales y las nuevas formas de hacer habían irrumpido hasta en los utensilios domésticos, y habían sido capaces de reformularlos. El punto de partida para esta investigación es precisamente esa coincidencia de tres figuras de la arquitectura moderna, los tres de formación artesanal, en un mismo modelo de silla y en una misma fecha. Tres arquitectos que se habían encargado de asegurar que el movimiento moderno no reconocía problemas formales sino solamente de construcción, iban a coincidir en el mismo tiempo y lugar, precisamente en una misma forma, como si tal coincidencia hubiera sido producto de una voluntad de época. Sin embargo el interés de este estudio no radica en una indagación sobre la autoría sino sobre cómo un mismo objeto resulta ser propositivo e interesante en campos muy diversos y la forma en que cada uno lo hace suyo incorporándolo a su propia investigación proyectual. La silla, más allá de ser un objeto de diseño exclusivamente, trasciende su propia escala para situarse inmersa en un proceso de búsqueda y exploración a nivel conceptual, formal, constructivo y estructural en la arquitectura cada uno de ellos. En un momento en que el oficio del arquitecto está siendo intensamente redefinido considero especialmente pertinente esta investigación, que en definitiva versa sobre la forma distintiva en que el pensamiento arquitectónico es capaz de proyectarse sobre cualquier disciplina para reformularla. ABSTRACT The nineteenth century was a century dedicated to the great public buildings; theaters, schools or museums. However the architecture in the twentieth century was devoted to the study of housing. All uses and typologies were heavily revised but the focus of all efforts and true beginning of modern architecture was housing. From these beginnings all modern precepts were applied to the various programs. Nikolaus Pevsner points to William Morris as the first modern architect precisely because he understood that a truly social art in line with its time and the society it serves must deal with social concerns at that time. With the new housing situation at the center of disciplinary concerns furniture took on a new prominence. At an advanced stage of his career Marcel Breuer observed partly with curiosity, partly with irony how modern furniture had been promoted not by furniture designers but by architects. The answer is given by Le Corbusier in one of his lectures of 1931 collected in Precisions when he pointed the reformulation of furniture as the "Gordian knot" for the renewal of modern plan resolution. Modernism had been forced to confront this issue in order to advance their domestic approaches. Modernism not only put forward a solution to the problems of housing and a Europe under reconstruction but is also needed to be able to contribute to an exciting vision of modern life. Not only did solve existing problems but also it had the self-imposed necessity of anticipating future domesticity and to do their houses full, movable and immovable, they should be submitted under this new image. The founding manifesto of the Deutsche Werkbund extended the scope of the new architect from building cities to the couch cushions. This furniture had the complex mission of synthetically condensing all the ideals of modernity had brought with it: abstraction, hygiene, mechanization, positivist confidence in science or material expression. Objects of modern life, in words of Le Corbusier, were likely to give rise a state of modern life. Few chairs in design history have resulted in so much controversy and so much dispute over their invention as the various versions of cantilevered tubular steel chairs. To understand this let us place ourselves in 1927 at the gates of the exhibition "Die Wohnung" ("Housing") organized by the teachers of the Bauhaus and directed by Mies van der Rohe in Stuttgart Weissenhoflung. Many famous names in architecture at that time showed their personal proposals for modern housing and the objects that inhabit them. Amongst these objects, the steel tube furniture was a constant presence at the exhibition but there was a piece so audacious that it stood out from all the others. This piece in question was the cantilever model chair, that is, which had no further rear support and whose rigidity was attributed to the solidity of its continues structure of steel tube. This piece would eventually become the crossroads of three very different personalities: Mart Stam, Marcel Breuer and Mies van der Rohe. Each of them developed their own model of cantilevered chair in different versions; The MR model developed by Mies van der Rohe, the L&C by Arnold Stam and a later model BR 33 by Marcel Breuer, and the three, at some point in their lives demanded the authorship of its invention as objects that belonged to them intellectually. These chairs epitomized one of the coveted objects of modernity, steel material in its optimized version, was what had led to a completely new form of an everyday object whose this type was fully adopted on board in design. New materials and production methods had burst into world of household objects, and had been able to reformulate their design. The bold design then became a dark object of controversy. The starting point for this doctoral thesis is the concurrent invention of the same model of chair by three different figures of modern architecture. These three architects, who were responsible for ensuring that the modern movement considered construction rather than form as the main design consideration, were working in the same place and at the same point in time. It was almost as if these three architects were shaped by the culture of the time (Zeitgeist). However the focus of this study lies not in an investigation of responsibility of ownership but in the investigation fo how the same object can turn out to be purposeful and interesting in many different fields and the way in which each researcher makes it his own by developing his own project research. 1927, the year of their meeting, was a initiatory year in the career of our players. The chair, beyond being only a design object transcended its own scale and became immersed in a process of research and development on a conceptual, formal, structural and constructive level in the architectural approach of each of the architects. At a time when the role of the architect is being redefined intensely I consider this research, which ultimately concerns the distinctive way the architectural thought can be projected onto and reformulate any discipline, to be particularly relevant.

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LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

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This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.

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The magnetic field strength at birth is arguably one of the most important properties to determine the evolutionary path of a neutron star. Objects with very high fields, collectively known as magnetars, are characterized by high X-ray quiescent luminosities, occurrence of outbursts, and, for some of them, sporadic giant flares. While the magnetic field strength is believed to drive their collective behaviour, however, the diversity of their properties, and, especially, the observation of magnetar-like bursts from “low-field” pulsars, has been a theoretical puzzle. In this review, we discuss results of long-term simulations following the coupled evolution of the X-ray luminosity and the timing properties for a large, homogeneous sample of X-ray emitting isolated neutron stars, accounting for a range of initial magnetic field strengths, envelope compositions, and neutron star masses. In addition, by following the evolution of magnetic stresses within the neutron star crust, we can also relate the observed magnetar phenomenology to the physical properties of neutron stars, and in particular to their age and magnetic field strength and topology. The dichotomy of “high-B” field pulsars versus magnetars is naturally explained, and occasional outbursts from old, low B-field neutron stars are predicted. We conclude by speculating on the fate of old magnetars, and by presenting observational diagnostics of the neutron star crustal field topology.

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This qualitative study focuses on what contributes to making a music information-seeking experience satisfying in the context of everyday life. Data were collected through in-depth interviews conducted with 15 younger adults (18 to 29 years old). The analysis revealed that satisfaction could depend on both hedonic (i.e., experiencing pleasure) and utilitarian outcomes. It was found that two types of utilitarian outcomes contributed to satisfaction: (1) the acquisition of music, and (2) the acquisition of information about music. Information about music was gathered to (1) enrich the listening experience, (2) increase one's music knowledge, and/or (3) optimize future acquisition. This study contributes to a better understanding of music information-seeking behavior in recreational contexts. It also has implications for music information retrieval systems design: results suggest that these systems should be engaging, include a wealth of extra-musical information, allow users to navigate among music items, and encourage serendipitous encountering of music.

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Extending working lives has been a key item on the political agenda in Denmark for at least two decades now. This study details recent and prospective reforms to the voluntary early retirement scheme and the pension age, as well as current policy initiatives to keep older workers in employment. Other aspects central to a long working life, such as health, lifelong learning, age management practices in companies, and elderly workers’ motivation are discussed in depth. Overall, Denmark is in a relatively good state when it comes to older workers’ labour market participation and related job satisfaction. This impacts positively on the public finance challenge linked to population ageing which, given agreed reforms, should be manageable. Ongoing reform implementation is likely to substantially increase the employment of those aged 60 and over. Nevertheless, surveys point to age discrimination as a potential problem and people who fall into unemployment at a late stage of their careers still face challenges to reemployment.

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This report offers a comparative policy study on adult learning within the scope of complementary research conducted by Beblavý et al. (2013) on how people upgrade their skills during their adult lifetimes. To achieve our objectives, we identified regulatory policies and financial support in 11 countries for two main categories of learning: formal higher education and employer-based training. Drawing upon the results of the country reports carried out by our partners in the MoPAct project, we found that in none of the countries examined is there an ‘older student’ policy. In most cases grants and financial support are awarded only up until a certain age. In all of the countries studied, standard undergraduate and post-graduate studies are available for part-time students. The distribution of full-time students and part-time students in tertiary education varies from one country to another as well as from one age group to another. The participation in full-time tertiary education programmes decreases with the age of students. In Lithuania, Latvia, Poland and the UK, there are no mandatory policies to ensure employer-based training. However, in Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain, employer-based training is more clearly regulated and the employers might have obligations to provide training for their staff. Taking into consideration Beblavý et al. (2013), we observe that comparative differences across countries can be related to policy differences only in some cases. The policy framework seems to impact more the employer-based training than the educational attainment (upgrade of ISCED level). In Denmark, the Netherlands, Latvia, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Poland, we find a perfect match between policy outcomes and the results of Beblavý et al. (2013) related to employer-based training. This is not the case in the United Kingdom, where the two aspects observed are not correlated.