Can grassroots organisations and NGOs substitute for the State in Russia? A review of the literature and suggestions for a future research agenda

The paper investigates the relationship between civil society and the state. Using the unique lens of the state-substitution (the process whereby civil society organisations take on government roles) the paper reviews the literature and highlights three key issues: - Civil society is weak in Russia and its contribution to democracy development is limited - The Russian State has be withdrawing from its responsibilities to care for its citizens, leaving a field of opportunity for civil society organisations. - The state has subsequently began to encroach on civil society organisations mainly through the use of legislative changes and government sponsored organisations These trends have far reaching implications for civil society organisations, in particular those which take up or take over government roles and responsibilities. The literary evidence shows that the Russian state leverages its political power into the sphere of civil society similar to how it regained control over the economy in the early 2000s. This Russian variant of civil society attributes the state as a key player in all societal spheres.

State–society relations in a dynamic framework:the case of the Far East and Sub-Saharan Africa

According to the textbook approach, the developmental states of the Far East have been considered as strong and autonomous entities. Although their bureaucratic elites have remained isolated from direct pressures stemming from society, the state capacity has also been utilised in order to allocate resources in the interest of the whole society. Yet, society – by and large –has remained weak and subordinated to the state elite. On the other hand, the general perception of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has been just the opposite. The violent and permanent conflict amongst rent-seeking groups for influence and authority over resources has culminated in a situation where states have become extremely weak and fragmented, while society – depending on the capacity of competing groups for mobilising resources to organise themselves mostly on a regional or local level (resulting in local petty kingdoms) – has never had the chance to evolve as a strong player. State failure in the literature, therefore, – in the context of SSA – refers not just to a weak and captured state but also to a non-functioning, and sometimes even non-existent society, too. Recently, however, the driving forces of globalisation might have triggered serious changes in the above described status quo. Accordingly, our hypothesis is the following: globalisation, especially the dynamic changes of technology, capital and communication have made the simplistic “strong state–weak society” (in Asia) and “weak state–weak society” (in Africa) categorisation somewhat obsolete. While our comparative study has a strong emphasis on the empirical scrutiny of trying to uncover the dynamics of changes in state–society relations in the two chosen regions both qualitatively and quantitatively, it also aims at complementing the meaning and essence of the concepts and methodology of stateness, state capacity and state-society relations, the well-known building blocks of the seminal works of Evans (1995), Leftwich (1995), Migdal (1988) or Myrdal (1968).

State–society relations in a dynamic framework: The case of the Far East and Sub-Saharan Africa.

According to the textbook approach, the developmental states of the Far East have been considered as strong and autonomous entities. Although their bureaucratic elites have remained isolated from direct pressures stemming from society, the state capacity has also been utilised in order to allocate resources in the interest of the whole society. Yet, society – by and large –has remained weak and subordinated to the state elite. On the other hand, the general perception of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has been just the opposite. The violent and permanent conflict amongst rent-seeking groups for influence and authority over resources has culminated in a situation where states have become extremely weak and fragmented, while society – depending on the capacity of competing groups for mobilising resources to organise themselves mostly on a regional or local level (resulting in local petty kingdoms) – has never had the chance to evolve as a strong player. State failure in the literature, therefore, – in the context of SSA – refers not just to a weak and captured state but also to a non-functioning, and sometimes even non-existent society, too. Recently, however, the driving forces of globalisation might have triggered serious changes in the above described status quo. Accordingly, our hypothesis is the following: globalisation, especially the dynamic changes of technology, capital and communication have made the simplistic “strong state–weak society” (in Asia) and “weak state–weak society” (in Africa) categorisation somewhat obsolete. While our comparative study has a strong emphasis on the empirical scrutiny of trying to uncover the dynamics of changes in state–society relations in the two chosen regions both qualitatively and quantitatively, it also aims at complementing the meaning and essence of the concepts and methodology of stateness, state capacity and state-society relations, the well-known building blocks of the seminal works of Evans (1995), Leftwich (1995), Migdal (1988) or Myrdal (1968).

Understanding China's climate change mitigation policy development: Structures, processes and outcomes

Climate change is one of the most important and urgent issues of our time. Since 2006, China has overtaken the United States as the world’s largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter. China’s role in an international climate change solution has gained increased attention. Although much literature has addressed the functioning, performance, and implications of existing climate change mitigation policies and actions in China, there is insufficient literature that illuminates how the national climate change mitigation policies have been formulated and shaped. This research utilizes the policy network approach to explore China’s climate change mitigation policy making by examining how a variety of government, business, and civil society actors have formed networks to address environmental contexts and influence the policy outcomes and changes. The study is qualitative in nature. Three cases are selected to illustrate structural and interactive features of the specific policy network settings in shaping different policy arrangements and influencing the outcomes in the Chinese context. The three cases include the regulatory evolution of China’s climate change policy making; the country’s involvement in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) activity, and China’s exploration of voluntary agreement through adopting the Top-1000 Industrial Energy Conservation Program. The historical analysis of the policy process uses both primary data from interviews and fieldwork, and secondary data from relevant literature. The study finds that the Chinese central government dominates domestic climate change policy making; however, expanded action networks that involve actors at all levels have emerged in correspondence to diverse climate mitigation policy arrangements. The improved openness and accessibility of climate change policy network have contributed to its proactive engagement in promoting mitigation outcomes. In conclusion, the research suggests that the policy network approach provides a useful tool for studying China’s climate change policy making process. The involvement of various types of state and non-state actors has shaped new relations and affected the policy outcomes and changes. In addition, through the cross-case analysis, the study challenges the “fragmented authoritarianism” model and argues that this once-influential model is not appropriate in explaining new development and changes of policy making processes in contemporary China.

Accommodating Muslim Minorities in Secular Societies: Public Education in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec

Abstract This thesis examines one of the most sensitive challenges facing contemporary democracies: the accommodation of Muslim minorities in public institutions and services. It focuses on the field of education, and on two particular issues: the public funding of Islamic schools and the accommodation of Muslim needs in public secular schools. The analysis is based on an examination of outcomes in four jurisdictions that differ significantly in the level of accommodation that has emerged: England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. I seek to explain why such variation in outcomes exists among these four cases. I draw on four bodies of literature to underpin the theoretical framework: historical institutionalism, political mobilization by civil society, political parties, and ideationalism. My argument can be summarized simply; historic church-state settlements, unique in each case, are the most important factor explaining the variation in outcomes in England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec. In some cases, the historic church-state template is incrementally adapted to accommodate Muslim minorities. In other cases, relatively little accommodation occurs and the path-dependent trajectory of church-state relations remains entrenched. While the historic church-state template is a necessary factor in the explanation, it does not fully account for the variation. For a more complete picture, I demonstrate that there are several additional key factors that also shape the outcomes: first, national identity and public attitudes towards immigration and immigrants; second, the extent of mobilization by political agents, such as civil society organizations and historic churches; and third, the response of political parties to demands by Muslims for institutional accommodation. Ultimately, I conclude that Muslims in these jurisdictions are receiving some accommodation, but the process is slow and partial. This thesis makes important theoretical and empirical contributions to the discussion of Muslim integration in liberal democratic states. First, a framework has yet to be developed that considers the theoretical implications of institutional accommodation of Muslims; I address this gap. Second, this research demonstrates the utility of historical institutionalism in explaining the adaptation of church-state templates to accommodate Muslims’ demands. Last, this study makes an original contribution by comparing the cases of England, Scotland, Ontario, and Quebec in the accommodation of Muslims in education. A comparison of Canada with the United Kingdom has not yet been done.  

Market reforms and privatisation in the English National Health Service

The article examines developments in the marketisation and privatisation of the English National Health Service, primarily since 1997. It explores the use of competition and contracting out in ancillary services and the levering into public services of private finance for capital developments through the Private Finance Initiative. A substantial part of the article examines the repeated restructuring of the health service as a market in clinical services, initially as an internal market but subsequently as a market increasing opened up to private sector involvement. Some of the implications of market processes for NHS staff and for increased privatisation are discussed. The article examines one episode of popular resistance to these developments, namely the movement of opposition to the 2011 health and social care legislative proposals. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these system reforms for the founding principles of the NHS and the sustainability of the service.

Contemporary Transformations of the Relations between Politics, Culture and Religion in Western Europe. Some Notes on the Spanish Case

According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

Shadow policing: the boundaries of community-based ‘policing’ in Northern Ireland

The intention of this article is to provide a structural and operational analysis of policing beyond the police in Northern Ireland. While the polity enjoys low levels of ‘officially’ recorded crime as part of its post-conflict status, little empirical analysis exists as to the epistemological roots of security production outside that of the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The empirical evidence presented seeks to establish that beyond more prominent analyses related to paramilitary ‘policing’, the country is in fact replete with a substantial reservoir of legitimate civil society policing – the collective mass of which contributes to policing, community safety and quality of life issues. While such non-state policing at the level of locale was recognised by the Independent Commission for Policing, structured understandings have rarely permeated governmental or academic discourse beyond anecdotal contentions. Thus, the present argument provides an empirical assessment of the complex, non-state policing landscape beyond the formal state apparatus; examines definitions and structures of such community-based policing activities; and explores issues related to co-opting this non-state security ‘otherness’ into more formal relations with the state.

Planificación económica y control democrático del mercado

El cuestionamiento de las relaciones capitalistas de producción debe surgir a partir de su tendencia inherente a los desequilibrios y a la irracionalidad económica y no desde algún pre-juicio ideológico o político. En este contexto, la planificación económica se presenta como necesaria en la medida en que se requiera asegurar una autonomía humana de decisión con respecto a la distribución del ingreso, el acceso al empleo y la protección del medio ambiente. A partir de la constatación de este hecho, la planificación no sustituye a las relaciones mercantiles sino que cumple la función de garantizar una tendencia al equilibrio sobre la base de las relaciones mercantiles, lo que ningún automatismo del mercado puede garantizar. Se propone un principio de delimitación entre la planificación y la autonomía de las empresas (la reproducción de la vida humana), principio ampliable a la delimitación entre el Estado y las actividades de los grupos autónomos y de los mismos sujetos en general. Abstract The questioning of the capitalist relations of production must come from their inherent tendency to irrationality and economic imbalances and not from any ideological or political prejudice. In this context, economic planning is as necessary as it is required to ensure a human decision-making autonomy with respect to income distribution, access to employment and environmental protection. From the observation of this fact, planning is not a substitute for market relations but serves to ensure a tendency to balance on the basis of market relations, so no automatic of the market can guarantee. The article proposes a principle of demarcation between the planning and autonomy for enterprises (the reproduction of human life), expandable to top the demarcation between the state and the activities of autonomous groups and the same subjects in general.

Transmission Easement and Adverse Possession of Transmission Easement in the Polish Law

The object of analysis in the text are the issues concerned with the transmission easement and the adverse possession thereof on the grounds of the Polish law. The text features: (1) a historical outline of the solutions concerned with easements in the Polish law following 1945, (2) the institution of transmission easement introduced in 2008 and the solutions concerned with the claims for the establishment thereof at court, (3) the institution of adverse possession of transmission easement pursuant to civil law regulations, judicature and the legal doctrine. On account of the need to elaborate the wide-ranging legal issues concerned with the transmission easement in this text, the analysis embraces two research questions giving rise to the following conclusions: (1) What function is performed by the institution of transmission easement in the system of civil-law relations in the Polish law? The legislator in the articles introducing a transmission easement ossified the solutions functioning in the judicature of the Polish courts before 2008. The legal interpretation took a turn for clarification, that is for the establishment of a norm in the situation where its comprehension was dubious. It is noteworthy that in the period prior to 2008, the law provided for easement appurtenant, and on account of the usual course of judicial decisions also for easement appurtenant with the content corresponding to transmission easement. In 2008 these two “legal existences” were supplemented with a transmission easement, which nevertheless failed to resolve all the legal problems; nay, this gave rise to even more problems, e.g. the one of non-establishment of interpolar norms which would address the issues arising in connection with the use of various easement institutions in legal transactions. While amending the civil law, the legislator aimed to bring order to legal transactions by streamlining the unregulated actual state of easement in relation to transmission infrastructure, but also in relation to the situations where an easement was yet to be established and a facility yet to be constructed. Thus, such action is intended to regulate the disorderly legislation in force as well as to safeguard investment processes. This is of particular significance, for example, for energy companies which are burdened with statutory public-law obligations as regards securing energy supplies and providing for the development of energy infrastructure. Hence, the de facto introduced civil-law solutions indirectly served to realise the principles of the doctrine of easement in the public interest. (2) What legal problems in the civil-law relations does the application of the institution of transmission easement by adverse possession entail? On account of the functioning of various institutions of easement, that is (1) an easement appurtenant, (2) an easement appurtenant with the content corresponding to a transmission easement, and as of 2008 (3) a transmission easement, a problem arose as to which of the given easements companies exercised in particular periods, all the more so because before 1989 the State Treasury owned them and many of the transmission facilities were put in place by virtue of administrative decisions. The commonly held belief is that in the period of “society-oriented economy” as well as up to 2008 infrastructure companies could exercise an easement appurtenant which corresponded to the content of a transmission easement. Therefore, in such a case the running of the prescriptive period should allow for the general rules laid down for an easement appurtenant. Apart from the problem of the relation of a capacity to exercise a right to property and the free development of civil-law relations before 1989, the recognition of the running of prescriptive periods – given the functioning of the three various easements as legal institutions – became a significant legal problem. By way of illustration, the recognition – against the period of exercising transmission easement – of the period required for the acquisition thereof by adverse possession, whereby before 3 August 2008 the real estate featured the legal state corresponding to the content of this right, is debatable. One cannot recognise that within that period a transmission easement was exercised, because such a right was not in existence as yet. Therefore, the institution that might be employed is the running of the period as regards the adverse possession in relation to an easement appurtenant with the content of a transmission easement. Still, the problem remains as to whether the period of the exercise of the easement appurtenant with the content corresponding to a transmission easement can be recognised against the period of possession required for the adverse possession of a transmission easement pursuant to the regulations introduced in 2008. One might incline to the position whereby in such a case it would be right to fully recognise – against the period of exercising a transmission easement – the period of exercising an easement appurtenant corresponding thereto in respect of its content. That being so, the adverse possession of a transmission easement might ensue in such a situation on 3 August 2008 at the earliest, that is the moment the regulations governing this right come into effect. Conversely, if the prescriptive period expires before that date, the entrepreneur would acquire an easement appurtenant with the content corresponding to the transmission easement. Such an interpretation is aligned with the purpose intended by the legislator, which is to bring order to the actual state of the broadest scope with the aid of a new legal instrument. The text, while analysing the issue of a transmission easement and an adverse possession thereof as a institution of the civil law, presents only some selected problems. Hence, the analysis does not include, for example, the issues concerned with claims for remuneration (for usufruct without contractual basis or usufruct fees), or claims for compensation (redress or amends). Furthermore, the text does not conduct a more profound analysis of the relation between the provisions regulating public-law relations (e.g. acts of law introducing the institution of dispossession) and the provisions regulating civil-law relations (the easements in question).

Dinámicas sociales, conservación y desarrollo en espacios naturales protegidos. El caso de la Reserva de la Biosfera "La Sepultura" en el estado mexicano de Chiapas

Los factores que inciden en el proceso de desarrollo de los territorios rurales y que explican el éxito o el fracaso de las estrategias impulsadas desde abajo (bottom-up) o inducidas desde arriba (top-down), han preocupado desde hace varias décadas a los analistas, que observan las limitaciones de los enfoques del “desarrollo territorial rural” para aprehender la complejidad de dicho proceso. Habiéndose centrado, sobre todo, en el ámbito de las políticas públicas y sus efectos en el desarrollo de los territorios rurales, los analistas del desarrollo han visto la necesidad de apoyarse en otras perspectivas que capten las dinámicas que acontecen en el ámbito de la sociedad civil local, tanto en lo que se refiere a las relaciones entre los diversos actores socioeconómicos e institucionales presentes en el territorio, como a su interacción con los organismos públicos encargados de implementar dichas políticas. El objetivo general de esta tesis doctoral ha sido analizar las dinámicas sociales que surgen en espacios naturales sometidos a políticas de gestión y regulación, mostrando el grado de influencia que tienen en la aplicación de esas políticas las diversas redes en que se organizan las poblaciones locales. De la investigación empírica realizada y de su integración en el marco teórico utilizado, hemos podido extraer resultados referidos a la realidad concreta y localizada de la REBISE que muestran cómo es que conciliar los objetivos de la “conservación” y el “desarrollo” en territorios poblados por comunidades locales estrechamente vinculadas a espacios naturales, exige abordar de forma integral los problemas ambientales, sociales y económicos. Tratar de alcanzar esos objetivos con políticas sectoriales conduce al fracaso de los programas de protección, ya que sólo se logran objetivos parciales y limitados. Por muy elevado que sea el valor ecológico de este tipo de espacios naturales y por muy alta que sea la protección que reciban por parte de los organismos internacionales (como ocurre con las “reservas de la biosfera” del programa MaB de la UNESCO), “conservar” estas áreas naturales no puede lograrse sin contar con la colaboración de las poblaciones locales. Esto exige combinar estrategias top-down y bottom-up buscando establecer sinergias entre los responsables públicos y los grupos sociales presentes en el territorio. De nuestra investigación se deduce la necesidad de empoderar a las comunidades locales para inducir en ellos un capital social tipo bridging dirigido a la construcción de un gran pacto territorial que trascienda los intereses particulares de cada grupo y que persiga el interés general del territorio en pro de la conservación de los recursos naturales y de la mejora del bienestar y calidad de vida de las familias que residen allí. Si no se hace así, continuarán promoviéndose proyectos “balsámicos” que paliarán a corto plazo algunos de los problemas de las poblaciones locales, pero que las mantendrán en el estancamiento y la pobreza.

Espiritualidad y política: una propuesta tibetana para la transformación del orden mundial

La Revolución Espiritual promovida por el Dalai Lama plantea una unión entre espiritualidad y política. El proyecto de una ética universal, que se inscribe dentro de dicha Revolución, busca impactar la manera en que las relaciones internacionales se desarrollan, dándole prevalencia a los valores humanos. Sin embargo, esa proposición se encuentra ligada al contexto de exilio en el marco del conflicto sino-tibetano que afecta al continente asiático. Por esto, en la presente monografía, haciendo uso de los conceptos de marco de acción colectiva e identidad inscritos en la corriente de los movimientos sociales en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales, se pretende determinar la relación entre identidad tibetana, marco de acción colectiva y la propuesta de una ética universal. Para ello se recurre, metodológicamente, a textos y a trabajo de campo en Bogotá. Así, se pretende establecer la relación entre espiritualidad y política como propuesta tibetana atravesada por el conflicto sino-tibetano.

La actualización del modelo socialista y sus efectos en el Partido Comunista Cubano

El VI Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba introdujo una nueva agenda económica que el Gobierno llama la actualización del modelo socialista. Muchos piensan que en esencia se trata de una serie de reformas y reducen su importancia a su dimensión económica. Esta monografía busca explicar la actualización aplicando el análisis de sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, aportando una interpretación no convencional del fenómeno. Se puntualizará en las variables de poder y en los actores políticos que han determinado la nueva política económica: el Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR). Ambos conforman lo que Wallerstein denomina un movimiento antisitémico. El argumento principal es que el movimiento ha puesto en marcha las reformas buscando fortalecer el Estado y así garantizar su supervivencia al consolidar su posición como el competidor único del poder estatal. Como se verá, estas metas han llevado al movimiento a sacrificar parte de su naturaleza antisistémica.

Participación política de las fuerzas militares: el caso colombiano

El objetivo general de esta monografía es explicar cómo se ha desarrollado la participación política de las Fuerzas Militares en la democracia colombiana; lo cual permitirá tener una visión clara del problema, y entender el cómo y el porqué de esta participación. La pregunta de investigación, guía de esta monografía, es la siguiente: ¿cómo se ha desarrollado la participación política de las Fuerzas Militares en la democracia colombiana?. A partir de esta pregunta se planteó la siguiente hipótesis: las Fuerzas Militares han participado dentro de la política colombiana, ya sea por medio de la formulación de la política de seguridad y defensa nacional o por las opiniones y actuaciones de los altos mandos militares, lo cual ha convertido a la institución en uno de los actores más importantes dentro de la democracia nacional. A su vez, se estableció cómo se llevan a cabo las relaciones entre las Fuerzas Militares y el Estado, en qué situaciones las Fuerzas Militares han recibido funciones constitucionales que no les corresponden y, qué tipo de actores y factores han motivado a las Fuerzas Militares a participar en política.

El rol de las redes de apoyo transnacional en la evolución del régimen de trata de personas en la región del mekong, 2004-2015

Con el fin de la unipolaridad no sólo se fortalecieron mecanismos de gobernanza global como los Regímenes Internacionales, sino también se fortalecieron actores no estatales. A pesar de la importancia que tomaron estos dos elementos aún no existe una teoría que explique exhaustivamente la relación que existe entre ellos. Es por lo anterior que, la investigación busca responder de qué manera el rol de las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional ha incidido en la evolución del régimen de tráfico de personas en la Región del Mekong. Asimismo tiene como objetivo comprender las relación entre el Régimen y las Redes de Apoyo Transnacional a través de la formulación de un caso de estudio basado en metodologías cualitativas, específicamente, en el análisis teórico-constructivista y el análisis de contenido de documentos producidos por actores estatales y no estatales.