Social Inequality in Political Participation: The Dark Sides of Individualisation

Has the participatory gap between social groups widened over the past decades? And if so, how can it be explained? Based on a re-analysis of 94 electoral surveys in eight Western European countries between 1956 and 2009, this article shows that the difference in national election turnout between the half of the population with the lowest level of education and the half with the highest has increased. It shows that individualisation – the decline of social integration and social control – is a major cause of this trend. In their electoral choices, citizens with fewer resources – in terms of education – rely more heavily on cues and social control of the social groups to which they belong. Once the ties to these groups loosen, these cues and mobilising norms are no longer as strong as they once were, resulting in an increasing abstention of the lower classes on Election Day. In contrast, citizens with abundant resources rely much less on cues and social control, and the process of individualisation impacts on their participatory behaviour to a much lesser extent. The article demonstrates this effect based on a re-analysis of five cumulative waves of the European Social Survey.

Federalism and the Concept of Political Territoriality: Towards an Analytical Framework for Comparative Territorial Politics

The core issues comparative territorial politics addresses are how and why territory is used to delimit, maintain, or create political power; and with what kind of consequences for efficiency (output) and legitimacy (input). The aim of this article is to integrate various research strands into the comparative study of territorial politics, with federal studies at its core. As an example of a conceptual payoff, ‘political territoriality’ refers the observer to three dimensions of the strategic use of areal boundaries for political power. By focusing on territory as a key variable of political systems, the actors, processes and institutions are first analytically separated and continuously measured, enhancing internal validity, and then theoretically integrated, which allows more valid external inferences than classic, legal-institutionalist federal studies. After discussing the boundaries and substance of comparative territorial politics as a federal discipline, political territoriality is developed towards an analytical framework applicable to politics at any governmental level. The claims are modest: political territoriality does not serve so much as an explanatory concept as rather an ‘attention-directing device’ for federal studies.

The Politics of Local Autonomy: Measuring Cantonal (De)Centralisation in Switzerland

In Switzerland, there are 26 systems of cantonal decentralisation because regulating municipal autonomy is an exclusively cantonal competency. Existing measures of local autonomy/cantonal decentralisation are confined to measuring the real or perceived distribution of functions. Alternatively, they weigh expenditures (Dafflon 1992) or tax revenues (Dlabac and Schaub forthcoming) of municipalities against those of the canton. Complementing these indices, this paper additionally measures the politics dimension of cantonal decentralisation. Seven aspects are measured: intra-cantonal regionalism, cumuldesmandats (double tenure of cantonal MP and mayoral office), territorial quotas for legislative and executive elections, direct local representation and lobbying, party decentralisation, the number and size of constituencies, and direct democracy (communal referendum and initiative). This results in a ranking of all 26 cantons as regards the politics of local autonomy within their political systems. The measure will help scholars to test assumptions held for decentralisation in general, be it as a dependent (explaining decentralisation) or as an independent variable (decentralisation—so what?), within but also beyond the Swiss context.

Practice Movements: The Politics of Non-sovereign Power

Practice movements, that is, forms of unorganized collective action, are a central site of politics. Their defining moments are that their goals are expressed in practices rather than in words, and that these “pre-ideological” practices aim at access to or redistribution of goods, whether material or symbolic, rather than at representation. They are transgression rather than resistance in that they transgress restrictions inherent in the material organization of space, property relations, status orders, and normative regulations, be they laws, morals, or customs. Practice movements are above all about access and participation rather than about autonomy, and thus have an ambiguous relation to the transformation of the status quo. Their politics are transformative and they can produce temporary or lasting changes in the material grounds or in the regulation of the everyday life of those who pursue them, and potentially of the normativity and the organization of the wider social order.

Transversal politics. Equality and difference in antiracist migrant protest

Transversale Politiken. Gleichheit und Differenz in antirassistischen migrantische Selbst-organisationen - Veronika Siegl Meine Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit transversalen Politiken in antirassistischen migrantischen Selbstorganisationen. Transversale Politik bezeichnet dabei eine Praxis der Zusammen-arbeit, die identitäre Kategorien zu überwinden versucht, aber Unterschiede zwischen einzelnen Personen oder Gruppen dennoch nicht negiert. Ausgangspunkt für meine Forschung ist insofern die Frage, wie MigrantInnen und MehrheitsösterreicherInnen gemeinsam über eine antirassistische Politik diskutieren und diese praktizieren können, ohne durch das Betonen von Differenz oder von Gleichheit rassistische Strukturen zu reproduzieren. Welche Strategien werden entwickelt? Wie wird mit Repräsentationsverhältnissen umgegangen? Gibt es ein kollektives „Wir“? Und: Was kann der Begriff MigrantIn für die politische Arbeit bedeuten? In Bezug auf die Fragen, die in der Ankündigung des Workshops aufgeworfen wurden, kann ich nach meinen Recherchen sagen, dass es in diesem Bereich noch relativ wenig Forschungen gibt. Schon allein zur antirassistischen Bewegung in Österreich gibt es sehr wenig Literatur, zu migrantischen Selbstorganisierungen noch weniger und zu Strategien transversaler Politik eigentlich gar nichts. Fragen der Differenz und Gleichheit werden im Allgemeinen oft nur auf einem sehr abstrakten Niveau geführt, empirische Erfahrungs-berichte, die einen Einblick geben, wie die Theorie in die Praxis umgesetzt werden kann, scheint es sehr wenig zu geben.

The Secular State Under Siege: Religion and Politics in Europe and America

Throughout human history, religion and politics have entertained the most intimate of connections as systems of authority regulating individuals and society. While the two have come apart through the process of secularization, secularism is challenged today by the return of public religion. This cogent analysis unravels the nature of the connection, disconnection, and attempted reconnection between religion and politics in the West. In a comparison of Western Europe and North America, Christianity and Islam, Joppke advances far-reaching theoretical, historical, and comparative-political arguments. With respect to theory, it is argued that only a “substantive” concept of religion, as pertaining to the existence of supra-human powers, opens up the possibility of a historical-comparative perspective on religion. At the level of history, secularization is shown to be the distinct outcome of Latin Christianity itself. And at the level of comparative politics, the Christian Right in America which has attacked the “wall of separation” between religion and state and Islam in Europe with the controversial insistence on sharia law and other “illiberal” claims from some quarters are taken to be counterpart incarnations of public religion and challenges to the secular state. This clearly argued, sweeping book will provide an invaluable framework for approaching an array of critical issues at the intersection of religion, law and politics for advanced students and researchers across the social sciences and legal studies, as well as for the interested public.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 692 - "The Economic and Social Consequences of Preparedness Economics" (p. IX 167.1-7)

"The Economic and Social Consequences of Preparedness Economics" (1937-1939):; 1. "First Draft of a Memorandum on a Research Project on The Economic Consequences of Preparedness Economics, planned by the International Instittute of Social Research" (13.12.1938). Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Ergänzungen, 2 Blatt; 2. Albert Lauterbach: "Project submitted to the Social Science Research Council: Sociological and Economic Aspects of Preparedness Economics". Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 3. Günther Reimann: "The Economics of Chemical Production". Typoskript, 4 Blatt; 4. Franz Neumann: "Bemerkungen zum Exposé Dr. Heiders 'Die Rolle der Bürokratie im totalitären Staat'" (22.2.1937). Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 5. Joseph Soudek: "Soziale und wirtschaftliche Aspekte der Wehrwirtschaft". Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen und Ergänzungen von Friedrich Pollock (16.1.1939), 5 Blatt; 6. "Recovery and Boom Politics", Gliederungsentwurf, 3 Blatt; 7. "Interventionism and Business Cycles", Gliederungsentwurf, 7 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 693 - "German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933" (p. IX 168 1.a)-d))

"German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933. A Research Project of the International Institute of Social Research" (1940):; 1. Umriß des Forschungsprojekts, a) Fassung vom 29.7.1940, Typoskript, 55 Blatt, b)-d) Fassung vom 6.6.1940: b) Typoskript, 55 Blatt, c) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 60 Blatt, d) Typoskript, 60 Blatt;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 694 - "German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933", "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (p. IX 168e - IX 169a)

"German Economy, Politics and Culture, 1900-1933. A Research Project of the International Institute of Social Research" (1940):; 1. Umriß des Forschungsprojekts: e)-g) Fassung vom 25.5.1940: e) Typoskript, 63 Blatt, f) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 61 Blatt, g) Typoskript, 61 Blatt, h)-k) "Introduction": h) Typoskript, 21 Blatt, i) Typoskript, 15 Blatt, k) D.V. Glass: Entwurf, Manuskript, 17 Blatt; 2. Kostenschätzung zum Forschungsprojekt. 1 Blatt; "The Collapse of German Democracy and the Expansion of National Socialism" (1940):; 1. Darstellung des Forschungsprojekts (15.9.1940), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 70 Blatt;