Ethnic Violence on Kenya's Periphery: Informal Institutions and Local Resilience in Conflict-Affected Communities

Deadly, inter-ethnic group conflict remains a threat to international security in a world where the majority of armed violence occurs not only within states but in the most ungoverned areas within states. Conflicts that occur between groups living in largely ungoverned areas often become deeply protracted and are difficult to resolve when the state is weak and harsh environmental conditions place human security increasingly under threat. However, even under these conditions, why do some local conflicts between ethnic groups escalate, whereas others do not? To analyze this puzzle, the dissertation employs comparative methods to investigate the conditions under which violence erupts or stops and armed actors choose to preserve peace. The project draws upon qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews, focus group dialogues, and participant observation of local peace processes during field research conducted in six conflict-affected counties in Northern Kenya. Comparative analysis of fifteen conflict episodes with variable outcomes reveals the conditions under which coalitions of civic associations, including local peace committees, faith-based organizations, and councils of elders, inter alia, enhance informal institutional arrangements that contain escalation. Violence is less likely to escalate in communities where cohesive coalitions provide platforms for threat-monitoring, informal pact making, and enforcement of traditional codes of restitution. However, key scope conditions affect whether or not informal organizational structures are capable of containing escalation. In particular, symbolic acts of violence and the use of indiscriminant force by police and military actors commonly undermine local efforts to contain conflict. The dissertation contributes to the literatures on civil society and peacebuilding, demonstrating the importance of comparing processes of escalation and non-escalation and accounting for interactive effects between modes of state and non-state response to local, inter-ethnic group conflict.

The Keyes to Reclaiming the Racial History Of the Roberts Court

This article advocates for a fundamental re-understanding about the way that the history of race is understood by the current Supreme Court. Represented by the racial rights opinions of Justice John Roberts that celebrate racial progress, the Supreme Court has equivocated and rendered obsolete the historical experiences of people of color in the United States. This jurisprudence has in turn reified the notion of color-blindness, consigning racial discrimination to a distant and discredited past that has little bearing to how race and inequality is experienced today. The racial history of the Roberts Court is centrally informed by the context and circumstances surrounding Brown v. Board of Education. For the Court, Brown symbolizes all that is wrong with the history of race in the United States - legal segregation, explicit racial discord, and vicious and random acts of violence. Though Roberts Court opinions suggest that some of those vestiges still exits, the bulk of its jurisprudence indicate the opposite. With Brown’s basic factual premises as its point of reference, the Court has consistently argued that the nation has made tremendous strides away from the condition of racial bigotry, intolerance, and inequity. The article accordingly argues that the Roberts Court reliance on Brown to understand racial progress is anachronistic. Especially as the nation’s focus for racial inequality turned national in scope, the same binaries in Brown that had long served to explain the history of race relations in the United States (such as Black-White, North-South, and Urban-Rural) were giving way to massive multicultural demographic and geographic transformations in the United States in the years and decades after World War II. All of the familiar tropes so clear in Brown and its progeny could no longer fully describe the current reality of shifting and transforming patterns of race relations in the United States. In order to reclaim the history of race from the Roberts Court, the article assesses a case that more accurately symbolizes the recent history and current status of race relations today: Keyes v. School District No. 1. This was the first Supreme Court case to confront how the binaries of cases like Brown proved of little probative value in addressing how and in what ways race and racial discrimination was changing in the United States. Thus, understanding Keyesand the history it reflects reveals much about how and in what ways the Roberts Court should rethink its conclusions regarding the history of race relations in the United States for the last 60 years.

Tectono-sedimentary evolution of the ’Numidian Formation’ and Lateral Facies (southern branch of the western Tethys): constraints for central-western Mediterranean geodynamics

The origin of the Numidian Formation (latest Oligocene to middle Miocene), characterized by ultra-mature quartzose arenites with abundant well-rounded frosted quartz grains, remains controversial. This formation, sedimented in the external domain of the Maghrebian Flysch Basin, displays three characteristic stratigraphic members with marked longitudinal (proximal–distal) and transverse (along-chain) variations with palaeogeographical importance. The origin of the Numidian supply is related to the outward tectogenetic propagation when a forebulge evolved in the African foreland, leading to the erosion of African cratonic areas rich in quartzose arenites (Nubian Sandstone-like). The ages of the Numidian Formation checked by Betic, Maghrebian and Southern Apennine data suggest a timing for the accretionary orogenic wedge, earlier in the Betic-Rifian Arc (after middle Burdigalian), later in the Algerian-Tunisian Tell (after late Burdigalian) and afterwards in Sicily and the Southern Apennines (after Langhian). A geodynamic evolutionary model for the central-western Mediterranean is proposed.

Violence against young women attending primary care services in Spain: prevalence and health consequences

Background. There are a significant number of studies assessing the negative health consequences of violence against women. However, a limited number of studies analyse the health consequences of violence committed against young women by different types of aggressors. Objectives. The goal of this study is to assess the prevalence of interpersonal violence against young women in Spain and analyse its impact on the physical and mental health of the victims. Methods. A total of 1076 women aged 18–25 years attending Spanish primary care services were selected. We estimated the prevalence of interpersonal violence and compared the health data and demographic characteristics of abused and non-abused young women, multi-logistic regression models were fitted. The Wald test was used to assess whether there were differences in the negative health consequences of intimate partner (IPV) versus non-IPV. Results. As many as 27.6% young women reported a history of abuse, of whom 42.7% had been assaulted by their partner, 41.1% by someone other than their partner and 16.2% both by their partner and another person. The distribution of social and demographic characteristics was similar for IPV and non-IPV victims. Young abused women were three times more likely to suffer psychological distress and have somatic complaints, and they were four times more likely to use medication as compared to non-abused women. Conclusion. Our results suggest that all forms of violence compromise young women’s health seriously. Including patients’ history of abuse in their health record may help make more informed clinical decisions and provide a more integrated care.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

Extrusion of uranium, uranium alloys, and uranium compacts : a literature search /

This literature search consisting of 240 references to unclassified reports and published literature has been taken from Nuclear Science Abstracts, the official abstract journal of the United States Atomic Energy Commission. The period covered is January 1951 through May 31, 1961. Abstracts for the references can be found by use of the NSA abstract numbers provided.

Lithium and lithium hydride : chemical and physical properties : a literature search /

This literature search consisting of 187 references to report and published literature taken from Nuclear Science Abstracts (NSA). The period covered is January, 1951 - November 15, 1960. Abstracts for the references can be found in NSA by the abstract numbers provided.

Philology and literature series.

Each no. has also a distinctive title.

Labor-management relations in the southern textile industry : hearing before the Subcommittee on Labor-management Relations of the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, United States Senate, eighty-first Congress, second session.

"Part 2."

Literature with a large L and Fellow travelers,/

Mode of access: Internet.

Report of the Public Utilities Division to the Securities and Exchange Commission with respect to the holding company system of the Commonwealth & Southern Corporation and its subsidiary companies, as to compliance with section 11(b) of the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935.

"File no. 59-8."

The Literary age. Monthly. Literature, science, education.

To "encourage the effort to build up an exponent of pure southern literature in the heart of the Old Dominion: an organ of southern ideas, southern tastes, and southern sentiment."

Literature of the South,

"References on southern literature": p. 187-188.

Literature and the American college; essays in defense of the humanities,

Partly reprinted from various periodicals.

Philadelphia Southern Steamship manufacturers and mercantile register.

Mode of access: Internet.