871 resultados para Political- Pedagogical Project


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Regulatory cooperation is both one of the most ambitious and contentious parts of the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations. In this paper, having identified the many levels of international regulatory cooperation, we show that TTIP regulatory cooperation will be significant, but not ambitious, while political and legal limits on cooperation in both the EU and the US minimise the concerns. For transatlantic regulatory cooperation to work, it must accept these political and legal constraints, build trust and confidence among counterpart regulators so they see that their transatlantic partner can help them do their work better, and provide tools to help regulators on both sides make informed decisions while retaining their regulatory autonomy and accountability to their politicians and citizens. A TTIP that provides these tools – and some more detailed instruments to that effect – will be more ambitious than previous trade agreements, and should, over the longer term, provide both the economic and regulatory benefits that the two sides envisage. The paper incorporates comparisons with the relevant chapters of recent FTAs the US and the EU have concluded, so as to clarify the approaches and degrees of ambition in this area. This comparison suggests that the TTIP regulatory cooperation will probably be more ambitious in terms of commitments and have a wider scope than any of these FTAs.

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The financial crisis that erupted in the eurozone not only affected the EU’s financial governance mechanisms, but also the very nature of state sovereignty and balances in the relations of member states; thus, the actual inequalities between the member states hidden behind their institutional equality have deteriorated. This transformation is recorded in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the member states’ constitutional courts, particularly in those at the heart of the crisis, with Greece as the most prominent example. It is the issue of public debt (sovereign debt) of the EU member states that particularly reflects the influence of the crisis on state sovereignty as well as the intensely transnational (intergovernmental) character of European integration, which under these circumstances takes the form of a continuous, tough negotiation. The historical connection between public debt (sovereign debt) and state sovereignty has re-emerged because of the financial crisis. This development has affected not only the European institutions, but also, at the member state level, the actual institutional content of the rule of law (especially judicial review) and the welfare state in its essence, as the great social and political acquis of 20th century Europe. From this perspective, the way that the Greek courts have dealt with the gradual waves of fiscal austerity measures and structural reforms from 2010 to 2015 is characteristic. The effect of the financial crisis on the sovereignty of the member states and on the pace of European integration also has an impact on European foreign and security policy, and the correlations between the political forces at both the national and European level, thus producing even more intense pressures on European social democracy. In light of the experience of the financial crisis, the final question is whether the nation state (given the large real inequalities among the EU member states) currently functions as a brake or as an engine for future European integration.

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Little academic attention has been given to the study of Northern Irish Euroscepticism despite the fact that it is a unique and interesting example of citizens’ relationships with the EU. Northern Irish Euroscepticism is defined by the divergence in attitudes towards European integration between Catholics and Protestants. This is a divide that is rooted in historical and religious interpretations of the project, as well as the widespread belief that membership of the EU will somehow lead to a united Ireland. Membership in the EU has not had a significant political impact on Northern Ireland, with citizens’ attitudes being largely characterised by a clear lack of interest in the project. Participation at the European level provided limited opportunity for cooperation by both sides while it may be argued that European elections contributed to the sectarian divide.

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When the new European Commission started work in autumn 2014, the president of the Commission took great pride in calling it a ‘political Commission’, which will be big on big things and small on small. Whilst the EU is currently dealing with many crises, reality is that things do not come much bigger than Nord Stream II. Will this be a political Commission that stands by its principles, including respect for liberty, democracy, the rule of law and human rights? Will this Commission have the backbone to politically assess a project that threatens EU unity and its core values, undermines the Union’s commonly agreed commitment to building an Energy Union and facilitates Russia’s aggression against Ukraine? President Juncker’s controversial visit to Russia and meeting with President Putin on 16-17 June is a test-case: will this Commission be ready to defend its commitments and principles when discussing ‘economic issues’?

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Relatório de estágio apresentado para obtenção do grau de mestre na especialidade profissional de Educação pré-escolar

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"Paper prepared for the project "The Role of Political Parties in the Return to Democracy in the Southern Cone," sponsored by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the World Peace Foundation."

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"This paper prepared under contract for the Center for International Studies."

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The current global development project appears to be premised on the assumption that underlying political debates over development have been settled. An upshot of this is that development is reduced to the theoretical, ideological and legal framework of a neo-liberal political order. However, implicit, and sometimes explicit, political dynamics of development can be rendered from a perspective that foregrounds social struggles. I offer a political analysis of the PRSP initiative by examining its evolution and implications considered within social and political contexts, and by specific reference to the 'poverty reduction' interventions that emerged in the 1980s. I argue that the PRSP initiative is best understood as the formation of a comprehensive extension of neo-liberal strategic responses that emerged in the 1980s. In this context, I discuss the example of microcredit schemes in relation to the PRSP process and demonstrate the analytical significance of micro-political social relations for political analyses of development. The approach I adopt reveals social struggles as relationally constitutive of formations of a hegemonic development discourse otherwise ostensibly rendered in de-contextualized terms. From the perspective of critical development analysis such struggles are the concrete expressions of the contradictions immanent to the dialectic of development through inequality and immiseration in the (re)production of social power.

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The aim of this book is to assist those who want to understand and analyse social, political and economic issues. In this project we have drawn upon the resources of political science, which typically examines the interaction between political ideas, institutions and policies in its attempt to make sense of the society in which we live. The perspectives offered by political science are evident in the structure of contributions to the volume. The organising framework we have adopted emphasises the importance of political ideas in shaping the way we comprehend political issues; the centrality of political institutions in influencing the possibilities for and limits on politics; and how present and past policies determine the context and direction of the solutions to political problems. This second edition expands upon out original brief. Where we have retained certain topics, the chapters have all been revised and updated. There are also a number of new chapters in each section that deal with significant political doctrines, institutions and policies.

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Este trabalho estuda a capelania escolar desenvolvida no Sistema Batista Mineiro de Educação (STBM), organização formada por seis colégios, uma faculdade, um instituto de idiomas e três projetos socio-educacionais, localizados em Minas Gerais, mantida pela Jutna de Educação da Convenção Batista Mineira, instituição das igrejas batistas de Minas Gerais. Apresenta a origem, contexto, desenvolvimento e constituição do Sistema Batisa Mineiro de Educação, bem como sua relação com a estrutura da deominação batista. Descreve os objetivos, importância, funções e legalidade da capelania escolar e o papél, a formação e o perfil ideal de um capelão ou capelã escolar. A capelania (ou pastoral) escolar está presente em praticamente todas as instituições educacionais confessionais, isto é, naquelas que estão ligadas a uma religião e que adotam os princípios de fé e vida dessa tradição religiosa como norteadores de sua ação poliítico-pedagógica. O objetivo da capelania escolar é ministrar aos alunos, funcionários administrativos e docentes e familiares de uma instituição de ensino, em suas necessidades emocionais, espirituais e morais, ajudando-os a superarem suas dificuldades e lutas, a fim de que o processo de formação do ser integral aconteça. A Capelania do SBME, como todas as capelanias escolares, enfrenta muitos desafios oriundos do exercício da sua confessionalidade, do ambiente interno e externo da escola, da sociedade e de vários problemas que vivenciam o jovem estudante contemporâneo, relacionados ao longo do texto. Para responder a esses desafios e demandas a capelania do SBME usa uma série de estratégias e desenvolve várias ações. Entre as estratégias e possibilidades de ação pastoral apresentadas neste trabalho, destaca-se o Projeto Ética e Caráter na Escola , que objetiva ajudar aos corpos docentes, discente e adminsitrativo a construirem e adotarem valo res e princípios éticos cristãos, ao longo de todo o processo educativo na escola e para a vida(AU)

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O objetivo central desta pesquisa é investigar o potencial de transformação sócioreligiosa da leitura popular da bíblia. Dentro desta abordagem de interpretação, serão analisados o pensamento de Carlos Mesters e suas reelaborações desenvolvidas pelo Centro de Estudos Bíblicos CEBI. Para tanto, trabalhar-se-á, particularmente, com dois textos metodológicos da leitura popular da bíblia, a saber, A Caminho de Emaús. Leitura bíblica e educação popular e A Leitura Popular da Bíblia: à procura da moeda perdida . Essas abordagens de interpretação têm como objetivo ir além do estudo dos textos bíblicos, ao pretender contribuir para com o processo de conscientização em vista da transformação da realidade de dominação e opressão. É neste contexto que se aponta a hermenêutica feminista crítica de libertação articulada por Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, enquanto uma ferramenta importante no intuito de analisar e dialogar com tais abordagens de leitura popular, uma vez que parece articular mais seriamente um paradigma feminista emancipatório de interpretação bíblica. Este diálogo problematizará, para além da questão pedagógico-metodológica, alguns temas teológico-bíblicos que são intrínsecos à interpretação bíblica, a saber, os sujeitos da interpretação, a análise da realidade e os critérios para se definir a revelação e a autoridade. A partir deste diálogo entre leitura popular da bíblia e hermenêutica feminista crítica de libertação , chega-se a conclusão de que a primeira, apesar de se definir como uma abordagem de interpretação bíblica popular e libertadora, acaba por apresentar algumas lacunas em relação ao objetivo que se propõe concretizar. A partir da análise de todos os passos metodológicos de interpretação e de seus temas teológicos, constata-se, no interior do projeto de Mesters e, mais propriamente do CEBI, a ausência de uma ferramenta analítica que viabilize a transformação concreta das realidades sócio-religiosas, das experiências dos sujeitos da interpretação, bem como da escolha de critérios para se definir o lugar da revelação e da autoridade. A tese não visa substituir prontamente o método de leitura popular da bíblia pela dança hermenêutica proposta por Schüssler. A tese propõe, antes, repensar os encaminhamentos e ausências da leitura popular da bíblia em seus objetivos de transformação da realidade. Nesse sentido, a interlocução com novas teorias políticas emancipatórias articuladas teológico-biblicamente por Schüssler pode ser importante para uma reavaliação do projeto políticometodológico do CEBI(AU)

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As a global profession, engineering is integral to the maintenance and further development of society. Indeed, contemporary social problems requiring engineering solutions are not only a consequence of natural and ‘manmade’ disasters (such as the Japanese earthquake or the oil leakage in the Gulf of Mexico) but also encapsulate 21st Century dilemmas around sustainability, poverty and pollution [2,6,7]. Given the complexity of such problems and the constant need for innovation, the demand for engineering education to provide a ready supply of suitably qualified engineering graduates, able to make innovative decisions has never been higher [3,5]. Bearing this in mind, and taking account problems of attrition in engineering education [1,6,4] innovation in the way in which the curriculum is developed and delivered is crucial. CDIO [Conceive, Design, Implement, Operate] provides a potentially ground-breaking solution to such dilemmas. Aimed at equipping students with practical engineering skills supported by the necessary theoretical background, CDIO could potentially change the way engineering is perceived and experienced within higher education. Aston University introduced CDIO into its Mechanical Engineering and Design programmes in October 2011. From its induction, engineering education researchers have ‘shadowed’ the staff responsible for developing and teaching the programme. Utilising an Action Research Design, and adopting a mixed methodological research design, the researchers have worked closely with the teaching team to critically reflect on the processes involved in introducing CDIO into the curriculum. Concurrently, research has been conducted to capture students’ perspectives of CDIO. In evaluating the introduction of CDIO at Aston, the researchers have developed a distinctive research strategy with which to evaluate CDIO. It is the emergent findings from this research that form the basis of this paper. Although early-on in its development CDIO is making a significant difference to engineering education at the University. The paper draws attention to pedagogical, practical and professional issues – discussing each one in turn and in doing so critically analysing the value of CDIO from academic, student and industrial perspectives. The paper concludes by noting that whilst CDIO represents a forwardthinking approach to engineering education, the need for constant innovation in learning and teaching should not be forgotten. Indeed, engineering education needs to put itself at the forefront of pedagogic practice. Providing all-rounded engineers, ready to take on the challenges of the 21st Century!

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In this paper we discuss how an innovative audio-visual project was adopted to foster active, rather than declarative learning, in critical International Relations (IR). First, we explore the aesthetic turn in IR, to contrast this with forms of representation that have dominated IR scholarship. Second, we describe how students were asked to record short audio or video projects to explore their own insights through aesthetic and non-written formats. Third, we explain how these projects are understood to be deeply embedded in social science methodologies. We cite our inspiration from applying a personal sociological imagination, as a way to counterbalance a ‘marketised’ slant in higher education, in a global economy where students are often encouraged to consume, rather than produce knowledge. Finally, we draw conclusions in terms of deeper forms of student engagement leading to new ways of thinking and presenting new skills and new connections between theory and practice.

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Contents: 1 Introduction: European integration as an elite project, Heinrich Best, György Lengyel, and Luca Verzichelli; 2 Europe à la carte? European citizenship and its dimensions from the perspective of national elites, Maurizio Cotta and Federico Russo; 3 Ready to run Europe? Perspectives of a supranational career among EU national elites, Nikolas Hubé and Luca Verzichelli; 4 National elites’ preferences on the Europeanization of policy making, José Real-Dato, Borbála Göncz, and György Lengyel; 5 The other side of European identity: elite perceptions of threats to a cohesive Europe, Irmina Matonyté and Vaidas Morkevicius; 6 Elites’ views on European institutions: national experiences sifted through ideological orientations, Daniel Gaxie and Nicolas Hubé; 7 Patterns of regional diversity in political elites’ attitudes, Mladen Lazic, Miguel Jerez-Mir, Vladimir Vuletic, and Rafael Vázquez-García; 8 The elites–masses gap in European integration, Wolfgang C. Müller, Marcelo Jenny, and Alejandro Ecker; 9 Party elites and the domestic discourse on the EU, Nicolo Conti; 10 Elite foundations of European integration: a causal analysis, Heinrich Best; 11 Elites of Europe and the Europe of elites: a conclusion, Heinrich Best; 12 Appendix. Surveying elites: information on the study design and field report of the IntUne elite survey, György Lengyel and Stefan Jahr.