Strategia, relevanssi ja merkitys: televisiomainonnan kontekstuaalisuudesta vuoden 2004 eurovaalikampanjoissa

Abstract: Strategy, relevance and meaning: on the use of context in the Finnish TV spots for the European parliamentary elections

Unequal Representation of Age Groups in Switzerland

The representation of age groups is becoming an increasingly discussed topic in Swiss politics. In this study, we explore inequalities in the descriptive and substantive representation of various age groups and find that despite important disparities in descriptive representation, the policy preferences of various age groups are relatively equally represented in the lower house of the Swiss parliament. Our analysis thus suggests that even if it is gaining visibility, the age cleavage is not central for parliamentary representation in Switzerland.

Who is afraid of the big bad ban? An evaluation of the effects of the Spanish clean air law on expenditure at hospitality venues

Background:In January 2011 Spain modified clean air legislation in force since 2006, removing all existing exceptions applicable to hospitality venues. Although this legal reform was backed by all political parties with parliamentary representation, the government's initiative was contested by the tobacco industry and its allies in the hospitality industry. One of the most voiced arguments against the reform was its potentially disruptive effect on the revenue of hospitality venues. This paper evaluates the impact of this reform on household expenditure at restaurants and bars and cafeterias. Methods and empirical strategy:We use micro-data from the Encuesta de Presupuestos Familiares (EPF) for years 2006 to 2012 to estimate "two part" models where the probability of observing a positive expenditure and, for those who spend, the expected level of expenditure are functions of an array of explanatory variables. We apply a before-after analysis with a wide range of controls for confounding factors and a flexible modeling of time effects.Results:In line with the majority of studies that analyze the effects of smoking bans using objective data, our results suggest that the reform did not cause reductions in households' expenditures on restaurant services or on bars and cafeteria services.

Appendix: expert paper

Nanotechnology has been heralded as a "revolution" in science, for two reasons: first, because of its revolutionary view of the way in which chemicals and elements, such as gold and silver, behave, compared to traditional scientific understanding of their properties. Second, the impact of these new discoveries, as applied to commerce, can transform the daily life of consumer products ranging from sun tan lotions and cosmetics, food packaging and paints and coatings for cars, housing and fabrics, medicine and thousands of industrial processes.9 Beneficial consumer use of nanotechnologies, already in the stream of commerce, improves coatings on inks and paints in everything from food packaging to cars. Additionally, "Nanomedicine" offers the promise of diagnosis and treatment at the molecular level in order to detect and treat presymptomatic disease,10 or to rebuild neurons in Alzheimer's and Parkinson's disease. There is a possibility that severe complications such as stroke or heart attack may be avoided by means of prophylactic treatment of people at risk, and bone regeneration may keep many people active who never expected rehabilitation. Miniaturisation of diagnostic equipment can also reduce the amount of sampling materials required for testing and medical surveillance. Miraculous developments, that sound like science fiction to those people who eagerly anticipate these medical products, combined with the emerging commercial impact of nanotechnology applications to consumer products will reshape civil society - permanently. Thus, everyone within the jurisdiction of the Council of Europe is an end-user of nanotechnology, even without realising that nanotechnology has touched daily life.

The emergence of parental and paternity leaves in Switzerland : a challenge to gendered representations and practices of parenthood?

The thesis addresses the issue of parenthood and gender equality in Switzerland through the emergence of parental leave policies. This is an original and relevant research topic, as Switzerland is one of the few industrialized countries that have not yet implemented a parental or paternity leave. I first describe the emergence of parental leave policies in the last ten to fifteen years in the political, media, and labor-market spheres. Secondly, adopting a gender and discursive theoretical approach, I analyze whether and to what extent this emergence challenged gendered representations and practices of parenthood. The multilevel and mixed-methods research design implies analyzing various data sets such as parliamentary interventions (N=23J and newspaper articles (N=579) on parental leave policies. A case study of a public administration which implemented a one-month paid paternity leave draws on register data of leave recipients (N=95) and in-depth interviews with fathers and managers (n=30). Results show that parental leave policies, especially in recent years, have been increasingly problematized in the three social spheres considered, as a result of political and institutional events. While there is a struggle over the definition of the legitimate leave type to implement [parental or paternity leave) in the political sphere, paternity leave has precedence in the media and labor-market spheres. Overall, this emergence contributes to making fatherhood visible in the public sphere, challenging albeit in a limited way gendered representations and practices of parenthood. Along with representations of involved fatherhood and change in gender relations, different roles and responsibilities are attributed to mothers and fathers, the latter being often defined as secondary, temporary and optional parents. Finally, I identify a common trend, namely the increasing importance of the economic aspects of parental leave policies with the consequence of sidelining their gender-equality potential. The dissertation contributes to the literature which analyzes the interconnections between the macro-, the meso- and the micro-levels of society in the constitution of gender relations and parenthood. It also provides useful tools for the analysis of the politics of parental leave policies in Switzerland and their effects for gender equality. - Cette thèse traite de la parentalité et de l'égalité de genre en Suisse à travers l'émergence des congés parentaux. Ce sujet de recherche est original et pertinent puisque la Suisse est à ce jour un des seuls pays industrialisés à ne pas avoir adopté de droit au congé parental ou paternité. Cette recherche décrit l'émergence des congés parentaux au cours des 10 à 15 dernières années dans les sphères politique, médiatique et du marché de l'emploi en Suisse. En combinant perspective de genre et analyse de discours, elle examine dans quelle mesure cette émergence remet en question les représentations et pratiques genrées de parentalité. Des méthodes de recherche mixtes sont employées pour analyser des interventions parlementaires (N=23) et des articles de presse (N=579) sur les congés parentaux. L'étude de cas d une entreprise publique qui a adopté un congé paternité payé d'un mois s'appuie sur des données de registre (N=95) et des entretiens semi-structurés avec des pères et des cadres (n=30). Les résultats indiquent que dans les trois sphères considérées, les congés parentaux ont reçu une attention croissante au cours de ces dernières années, en lien avec des événements politiques et institutionnels. Alors que dans la sphère politique il n'y a pas de consensus quant au type de congé considéré comme légitime (congé parental ou paternité), dans les sphères médiatique et du marché de l'emploi le congé paternité semble l'emporter. Dans l'ensemble, l'émergence des congés parentaux contribue à rendre la paternité plus visible dans l'espace public, remettant en question-bien que d'une manière limitée-les représentations genrées de la parentalité. En effet, d'une part l'image de pères impliqués et de rapports de genre plus égalitaires au sein de la famille est diffusée. D'autre part, mères et pères continuent à être associés à des rôles différents, les pères étant définis comme des parents secondaires et temporaires. Finalement, l'analyse révèle une tendance générale, soit l'importance croissante accordée aux aspects économiques des congés parentaux, avec pour conséquence la mise à l'écart de leur potentiel pour l'égalité de genre. Cette thèse contribue à la recherche sur les liens entre les niveaux macro- meso- et microsociaux dans la constitution des rapports de genre et de la parentalité. Elle propose également des outils pour analyser les politiques de congés parentaux en Suisse et leurs implications pour l'égalité de genre.

Uuden osakeyhtiölain verovaikutukset

Suomen uusi osakeyhtiölaki tuli voimaan 1.9.2006. Tutkielmassa on selvitetty uuden osakeyhtiölain keskeisimpiä vaikutuksia osakeyhtiöiden ja niiden osakkaiden verotukseen. Tutkielmassa on tarkasteltu uuden osakeyhtiölain nimellisarvotonta pääomajärjestelmää, varojenjakotapoja sekä yritysjärjestelytilanteita yhtiö- ja vero-oikeudelliselta kannalta. Valtiovarainministeriön asettama yritysverotuksen kehittämistyöryhmä on muistiossaan ehdottanut muutoksia verolakeihin uuden osakeyhtiölain vuoksi. Työryhmä on ehdottanut mm. osinkoverotuksen alaa ja peitellyn osingonjaonverottamista laajennettavaksi ja laittoman varojenjaon verotusta kiristettäväksi. Tutkielmassa on tarkasteltu työryhmän ehdotuksia ja pohdittu ehdotusten vaikutusta käytännön yritystoimintaan elinkeinoverolain näkökulmasta. Työryhmän ehdotukset eivät kuitenkaan kata kaikkia tilanteita. OYL:ssa mahdollistetut uudet yritysmuodonmuutos- ja yritysjärjestelytilanteet eivät toistaiseksi ole toteutettavissa veroneutraalisti. Verolainsäädännön joustamattomuuden vuoksi useat uuden lain mahdollistamattoimintavaihtoehdot eivät ole yhtiöiden käytettävissä. Muutoksia verolakeihin on odotettavissa aikaisintaan vuoden 2007 eduskuntavaalien jälkeen. Ennen verolakien uudistamista verotuskäytäntö on epävarmaa, mikä tehokkaasti estää uusien toimintamahdollisuuksien toteuttamisen.

El proceso electoral en España y Cataluña según la Constitución de 1812

En el presente trabajo se analiza la normativa electoral y su aplicación incluida en el articulado de la Constitución de 1812. Para ello en primer lugar se estudia el espíritu del proyecto electoral constitucional. Posteriormente se analiza su aplicación en los comicios para elegir las Cortes Ordinarias de 1813 en las dos realidades que contempla: los territorios de la metrópoli y los de ultramar. Analizada la normativa electoral, establecemos el Parlamento teórico resultante y su aplicación real. Finalmente, realizamos un análisis prosopográfico de los diputados elegidos en España y Cataluña, establecemos la morfología del parlamentario tipo y lo comparamos con los resultados de las dos realidades electorales apuntadas.

La modificació del criteri d'adquisició de la personalitat civil: una anàlisi des del dret civil català

Malgrat que des de feia ja molt de temps existien raons socials, mediques i jurídiques més que suficients, han tingut de passar més de cent vint anys (1889-2011) per a que es dugués a terme la necessària reforma de l’obsolet article 30 CC. mitjançant la qual s’ha prescindit, per fi, de l’estranya, per anòmala, i criticada condicio iuris – figura humana i supervivència independent més enllà de les primeres 24 hores – que caracteritzava l’adquisició de la personalitat civil en el Dret espanyol, sense parangó en els ordenaments del seu entorn jurídic. El nou criteri, fonamentat únicament en el naixement entès des de la seva consideració jurídica – despreniment del claustre matern -, permet prescindir, des d’aquest “moment”, de qualsevol limitació a la projecció jurídica, tant personal com patrimonial, del nounat, incloent per tant els efectes successoris mortis causa. El desencadenant de la novetat legislativa, vehiculada per la nova Llei del Registre Civil (2011), no fou un altre que la regulació dispensada amb anterioritat (2010) per l’article 211-1.1 del Codi civil de Catalunya, que va fer descansar ja en el mer naixement l’atribució de la personalitat civil. Tant la tramitació parlamentària de la modificació de l’art. 30 CC. com el desenvolupament de la qüestió competencial plantejada pel Govern de l’Estat en contra del precepte català, confirmen, en un procés de mútua interferència, la influencia determinant que sobre la reforma duta a terme va tenir la decisió de Catalunya de legislar sobre aquesta matèria.

Los diputados catalanes en las Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1813) : proceso electoral y prosopografía

En el presente trabajo pretendemos analizar el proceso de elección de los diputados catalanes que representaron al Principado de Cataluña en las Cortes de Cádiz (1810-1813), la sociología de los parlamentarios y su comportamiento en el Parlamento según la ideología que manifestaron. Para el estudio hemos cruzado, principalmente, los datos del Diccionario Biográfico de los Parlamentarios Españoles (Madrid, 2010) y la documentación del Archivo del Congreso de los Diputados. Tras el análisis del proceso electoral, primero observamos que nunca se cubrieron todos los puestos otorgados a Cataluña. En segundo lugar, los diputados elegidos fueron, en su mayoría, de condición social acomodada, representativos de la sociedad catalana y acordes con sus homónimos españoles, sobresaliendo en número los grupos de diputados eclesiásticos, abogados y nobles. En tercer lugar, a diferencia del caso global español, destacamos que la adscripción política de la representación catalana fue de mayoría realista y se mostró globalmente contraria a la legislación liberal aprobada en Cádiz.

Economic ideas and economists in the Parliament in the liberal age: The attempt to implement a tax on incomes in Spain in 1868-1869

[spa] El estudio de la presencia de ideas económicas en los debates parlamentarios se ha convertido recientemente en un objeto importante dentro de la investigación sobre el proceso de institucionalización de la economía política en Europa Occidental en la llamada era liberal. En este marco general, este artículo se centra en el análisis de un caso de particular interés: La relevancia del pensamiento económico y el papel jugado por los economistas en los debates parlamentarios que siguieron a la creación de un nuevo impuesto que trataba de captar la renta personal, que fue lanzado por el ministro de Hacienda Laureano Figuerola en 1868. El artículo intenta demostrar, en primer lugar, que las ideas económicas jugaron efectivamente un papel relevante en las discusiones sobre el impuesto sobre la renta y que la presencia e influencia de los economistas en el Legislativo en este tiempo fue notable. En segundo lugar, que este fue un intento serio de modernizar la estructura fiscal española llevado a cabo por el Gobierno Provisional, el cual trató de diseñar un sistema impositivo capaz de fomentar el crecimiento económico del país.

Economic ideas and economists in the Parliament in the liberal age: The attempt to implement a tax on incomes in Spain in 1868-1869

[spa] El estudio de la presencia de ideas económicas en los debates parlamentarios se ha convertido recientemente en un objeto importante dentro de la investigación sobre el proceso de institucionalización de la economía política en Europa Occidental en la llamada era liberal. En este marco general, este artículo se centra en el análisis de un caso de particular interés: La relevancia del pensamiento económico y el papel jugado por los economistas en los debates parlamentarios que siguieron a la creación de un nuevo impuesto que trataba de captar la renta personal, que fue lanzado por el ministro de Hacienda Laureano Figuerola en 1868. El artículo intenta demostrar, en primer lugar, que las ideas económicas jugaron efectivamente un papel relevante en las discusiones sobre el impuesto sobre la renta y que la presencia e influencia de los economistas en el Legislativo en este tiempo fue notable. En segundo lugar, que este fue un intento serio de modernizar la estructura fiscal española llevado a cabo por el Gobierno Provisional, el cual trató de diseñar un sistema impositivo capaz de fomentar el crecimiento económico del país.

Les neurosciences au Tribunal : de la responsabilité à la dangerosité, enjeux éthiques soulevés par la nouvelle loi française

AIM: In the past few years, spectacular progress in neuroscience has led to the emergence of a new interdisciplinary field, the so-called "neurolaw" whose goal is to explore the effects of neuroscientific discoveries on legal proceedings and legal rules and standards. In the United States, a number of neuroscientific researches are designed specifically to explore legally relevant topics and a case-law has already been developed. In Europe, neuroscientific evidence is increasingly being used in criminal courtrooms, as part of psychiatric testimony, nourishing the debate about the legal implications of brain research in psychiatric-legal settings. Though largely debated, up to now the use of neuroscience in legal contexts had not specifically been regulated by any legislation. In 2011, with the new bioethics law, France has become the first country to admit by law the use of brain imaging in judicial expertise. According to the new law, brain imaging techniques can be used only for medical purposes, or scientific research, or in the context of judicial expertise. This study aims to give an overview of the current state of the neurolaw in the US and Europe, and to investigate the ethical issues raised by this new law and its potential impact on the rights and civil liberties of the offenders. METHOD: An overview of the emergence and development of "neurolaw" in the United States and Europe is given. Then, the new French law is examined in the light of the relevant debates in the French parliament. Consequently, we outline the current tendencies in Neurolaw literature to focus on assessments of responsibility, rather than dangerousness. This tendency is analysed notably in relation to the legal context relevant to criminal policies in France, where recent changes in the legislation and practice of forensic psychiatry show that dangerousness assessments have become paramount in the process of judicial decision. Finally, the potential interpretations of neuroscientific data introduced into psychiatric testimonies by judges are explored. RESULTS: The examination of parliamentary debates showed that the new French law allowing neuroimaging techniques in judicial expertise was introduced in the aim to provide a legal framework that would protect the subject against potential misuses of neuroscience. The underlying fear above all, was that this technology be used as a lie detector, or as a means to predict the subject's behaviour. However, the possibility of such misuse remains open. Contrary to the legislator's wish, the defendant is not fully guaranteed against uses of neuroimaging techniques in criminal courts that would go against their interests and rights. In fact, the examination of the recently adopted legislation in France shows that assessments of dangerousness and of risk of recidivism have become central elements of the criminal policy, which makes it possible, if not likely that neuroimaging techniques be used for the evaluation of the dangerousness of the defendant. This could entail risks for the latter, as judges could perceive neuroscientific data as hard evidence, more scientific and reliable than the soft data of traditional psychiatry. If such neuroscientific data are interpreted as signs of potential dangerousness of a subject rather than as signs of criminal responsibility, defendants may become subjected to longer penalties or measures aiming to ensure public safety in the detriment of their freedom. CONCLUSION: In the current context of accentuated societal need for security, the judge and the expert-psychiatrist are increasingly asked to evaluate the dangerousness of a subject, regardless of their responsibility. Influenced by this policy model, the judge might tend to use neuroscientific data introduced by an expert as signs of dangerousness. Such uses, especially when they subjugate an individual's interest to those of society, might entail serious threats to an individual's freedom and civil liberties.

The empirical assessment of agency accountability: A regime approach and an application to the German Bundesnetzagentur

Regulation has in many cases been delegated to independent agencies, which has led to the question of how democratic accountability of these agencies is ensured. There are few empirical approaches to agency accountability. We offer such an approach, resting upon three propositions. First, we scrutinize agency accountability both de jure (accountability is ensured by formal rights of accountability 'fora' to receive information and impose consequences) and de facto (the capability of fora to use these rights depends on resources and decision costs that affect the credibility of their sanctioning capacity). Second, accountability must be evaluated separately at political, operational and managerial levels. And third, at each level accountability is enacted by a system of several (partially) interdependent fora, forming together an accountability regime. The proposed framework is applied to the case of the German Bundesnetzagentur's accountability regime, which shows its suitability for empirical purposes. Regulatory agencies are often considered as independent, yet accountable. This article provides a realistic framework for the study of accountability 'regimes' in which they are embedded. It emphasizes the need to identify the various actors (accountability fora) to which agencies are formally accountable (parliamentary committees, auditing bodies, courts, and so on) and to consider possible relationships between them. It argues that formal accountability 'on paper', as defined in official documents, does not fully account for de facto accountability, which depends on the resources possessed by the fora (mainly information-processing and decision-making capacities) and the credibility of their sanctioning capacities. The article applies this framework to the German Bundesnetzagentur.

Proportionality and Party Success in Europe

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.