939 resultados para Louis, Dauphin of France, 1729-1765


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The conquest of Normandy by Philip Augustus of France effectively ended the ‘Anglo-Norman’ realm created in 1066, forcing cross-Channel landholders to choose between their English and their Norman estates. The best source for the resulting tenurial upheaval in England is the Rotulus de valore terrarum Normannorum, a list of seized properties and their former holders, and this article seeks to expand our understanding of the impact of the loss of Normandy through a detailed analysis of this document. First, it demonstrates that the compilation of the roll can be divided into two distinct stages, the first containing valuations taken before royal justices in June 1204 and enrolled before the end of July, and the second consisting of returns to orders for the valuation of particular properties issued during the summer and autumn, as part of the process by which these estates were committed to new holders. Second, study of the roll and other documentary sources permits a better understanding of the order for the seizure of the lands of those who had remained in Normandy, the text of which does not survive. This establishes that this royal order was issued in late May 1204 and, further, that it enjoined the temporary seizure rather than the permanent confiscation of these lands. Moreover, the seizure was not retrospective and covers a specific window of time in 1204. On the one hand, this means that the roll is far from a comprehensive record of terre Normannorum. On the other hand, it is possible to correlate the identities of those Anglo-Norman landholders whose English estates were seized with the military progress of the French king through the duchy in May and June and thus shed new light on the campaign of 1204. Third, the article considers the initial management of the seized estates and highlights the fact that, when making arrangements for the these lands, John was primarily concerned to maintain his freedom of manoeuvre, since he was not prepared to accept that Normandy had been lost for good.

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The Allied bombing of France between 1940 and 1945 has received comparatively little attention from historians, although the civilian death toll, at about 60,000, was comparable to that of German raids on the UK. This article considers how Allied, and particularly British, bombing policy towards France was developed, what its objectives were and how French concerns about attacks on their territory were (or were not) addressed. It argues that while British policymakers were sensitive to the delicate political implications of attacking France, perceived military necessities tended to trump political misgivings; that Vichy, before November 1942, was a stronger constraint on Allied bombing than the Free French at any time and that the bombing programme largely escaped political control from May 1944.

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De Gaulle, founder of the Fifth French Republic, cherished the notion that the president of the Republic could somehow stand above party politics. In many ways this belief shaped the early institutional configuration of the new Republic. Party politics, however, rapidly reached the presidency, especially with the move, under the constitutional reform of 1962, to direct election of the president. This article charts the development of France's 'political constitution' and the relationship between president and parties over the first decade of the Fifth Republic. It finds that although the presidency became the prime goal of party political competition, the (often dysfunctional) illusion of a head of state above politics continues to shape the behaviour and perceptions of French presidents.

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This chapter looks at the ways in which Anglo-American participants in the Liberation of France have been represented in French narratives in the decades since the Second World War, through the developing French historiography of Allied participation in the War, and through the various roles assigned to the Allies in key postwar memorialisation ceremonies in France.

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The Bollène-2002 Experiment was aimed at developing the use of a radar volume-scanning strategy for conducting radar rainfall estimations in the mountainous regions of France. A developmental radar processing system, called Traitements Régionalisés et Adaptatifs de Données Radar pour l’Hydrologie (Regionalized and Adaptive Radar Data Processing for Hydrological Applications), has been built and several algorithms were specifically produced as part of this project. These algorithms include 1) a clutter identification technique based on the pulse-to-pulse variability of reflectivity Z for noncoherent radar, 2) a coupled procedure for determining a rain partition between convective and widespread rainfall R and the associated normalized vertical profiles of reflectivity, and 3) a method for calculating reflectivity at ground level from reflectivities measured aloft. Several radar processing strategies, including nonadaptive, time-adaptive, and space–time-adaptive variants, have been implemented to assess the performance of these new algorithms. Reference rainfall data were derived from a careful analysis of rain gauge datasets furnished by the Cévennes–Vivarais Mediterranean Hydrometeorological Observatory. The assessment criteria for five intense and long-lasting Mediterranean rain events have proven that good quantitative precipitation estimates can be obtained from radar data alone within 100-km range by using well-sited, well-maintained radar systems and sophisticated, physically based data-processing systems. The basic requirements entail performing accurate electronic calibration and stability verification, determining the radar detection domain, achieving efficient clutter elimination, and capturing the vertical structure(s) of reflectivity for the target event. Radar performance was shown to depend on type of rainfall, with better results obtained with deep convective rain systems (Nash coefficients of roughly 0.90 for point radar–rain gauge comparisons at the event time step), as opposed to shallow convective and frontal rain systems (Nash coefficients in the 0.6–0.8 range). In comparison with time-adaptive strategies, the space–time-adaptive strategy yields a very significant reduction in the radar–rain gauge bias while the level of scatter remains basically unchanged. Because the Z–R relationships have not been optimized in this study, results are attributed to an improved processing of spatial variations in the vertical profile of reflectivity. The two main recommendations for future work consist of adapting the rain separation method for radar network operations and documenting Z–R relationships conditional on rainfall type.

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We present results on the system size dependence of high transverse momentum di-hadron correlations at root s(NN) = 200 GeV as measured by STAR at RHIC. Measurements in d + Au, Cu + Cu and Au + Au collisions reveal similar jet-like near-side correlation yields (correlations at small angular separation Delta phi similar to 0, Delta eta similar to 0) for all systems and centralities. Previous measurements have shown Chat the away-side (Delta phi similar to pi) yield is suppressed in heavy-ion collisions. We present measurements of the away-side Suppression as a function of transverse momentum and centrality in Cu + Cu and Au + Au collisions. The suppression is found to be similar in Cu + Cu and An + An collisions at a similar number of participants. The results are compared to theoretical calculations based on the patron quenching model and the modified fragmentation model. The observed differences between data and theory indicate that the correlated yields presented here will further constrain dynamic energy loss models and provide information about the dynamic density profile in heavy-ion collisions. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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We study the beam-energy and system-size dependence of phi meson production (using the hadronic decay mode phi -> K(+) K(-)) by comparing the new results from Cu + Cu collisions and previously reported Au + Au collisions at root s(NN) = 62.4 and 200 GeV measured in the STAR experiment at RHIC. Data presented in this Letter are from mid-rapidity (vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.5) for 0.4 < p(T) < 5 GeV/c. At a given beam energy, the transverse momentum distributions for phi mesons are observed to be similar in yield and shape for Cu + Cu and Au + Au colliding systems with similar average numbers of participating nucleons. The phi meson yields in nucleus-nucleus collisions, normalized by the average number of participating nucleons, are found to be enhanced relative to those from p + p collisions. The enhancement for phi mesons lies between strange hadrons having net strangeness = 1 (K(-) and <(A)over bar>) and net strangeness = 2 (Xi). The enhancement for phi mesons is observed to be higher at root s(NN) = 200 GeV compared to 62.4 GeV. These observations for the produced phi(s (s) over bar) mesons clearly suggest that, at these collision energies, the source of enhancement of strange hadrons is related to the formation of a dense partonic medium in high energy nucleus-nucleus collisions and cannot be alone due to canonical suppression of their production in smaller systems. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Ce considérable travail de recherche s’occupe de faire la relation entre l’Architecture, le Pouvoir et l’Oppression. Pour devenir possible cette tâche, nous avons, d’abord et de façon particulière, discouri largement au sujet de ces concepts, pour arriver, à la fin, de forme étendue, à une étude plus complète, plus objective et plus conclusive. La recherche a été divisée en trois parties, aux abordages distintes, mais complémentaires parmi leurs mêmes. Dans la première, nous avons travaillé sur l’arc de l’évolution de l’Architecture, qui commence avec la Renaissance, continue travers le Maniérisme et polarise em arrivant au Baroque, lequel nous a intéressé , particulièrement, une fois qu’il s’agit d’une expréssion claire du Pouvoir sur les Arts. Dans la deuxième, nous avons defini le concept du mot Pouvoir à travailler, en choisissant le Roi Louis XIV , de France, comme le suprême représentant de l’expréssion. Tout de suíte, nous avons remarqué la Cour du Monarque comme paradigme de l’Oppression. Dans la troisième partie, finalement, nous avons réalisé la resumée de tous ces concepts, en une seule oeuvre: Versailles. Pour en finir, la compreension des études nous a permis identifer la force du symbolisme que la construction du Palais a eu: érigé pour la Gloire et la perpétuation du Pouvoir du Roi-Soleil . Le lieu où il se confond avec la construction et réalise son auto-affirmation ; le centre pour lequel toute la Cour - fréquemment opprimée par la forte vigilance du Monarque – a été déménagée. Louis XIV est le Pouvoir et Versailles est la plâce où le Roi semble lumineux comme le Soleil.

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This paper proposes a new reading of how the defeat of France and its occupation by Nazi forces were analyzed by the collaborators of the Revista do Brasil (RJ, 1938-1943). This cultural and literary magazine was one of the most important in Brazil and brought together a significant part of the Brazilian intelligentsia of the time.

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Examination of scatological motifs in Théophile de Viau’s (1590-1626) libertine, or ‘cabaret’ poetry is important in terms of how the scatological contributes to the depiction of the Early Modern body in the French lyric.1 This essay does not examine Théophile’s portrait of the body strictly in terms of the ‘Baroque’ or the ‘neo-Classical.’ Rather, it argues that the scatological context in which he situates the body (either his, or those of others), reflects a keen sensibility of the body representative of the transition between these two eras. Théophile reinforces what Bernard Beugnot terms the body’s inherent ‘eloquence’ (17), or what Patrick Dandrey describes as an innate ‘textuality’ in what the body ‘writes’ (31), and how it discloses meaning. The poet’s scatological lyric, much of which was published in the Pamasse Satyrique of 1622, projects a different view of the body’s ‘eloquence’ by depicting a certain realism and honesty about the body as well as the pleasure and suffering it experiences. This Baroque realism, which derives from a sense of the grotesque and the salacious, finds itself in conflict with the Classical body which is frequently characterized as elegant, adorned, and ‘domesticated’ (Beugnot 25). Théophile’s private body is completely exposed, and, unlike the public body of the court, does not rely on masking and pretension to define itself. Mitchell Greenberg contends that the body in late sixteenth-century and early seventeenth-century French literature is often depicted in a chaotic manner because, ‘the French body politic was rent by tumultuous religious and social upheavals’ (62).2 While one could argue that Théophile’s portraits of a syphilis-ridden narrators are more a reflection of his personal agony rather than that of France as a whole, what emerges in Théophile is an emphasis on the movement, if not decomposition of the body.3 Given Théophile’s public persona and the satirical dimension of his work, it is difficult to imagine that the degeneration he portrays is limited only to his individual experience. On a collective level, Théophile reflects what Greenberg calls ‘a continued, if skewed apprehension of the world in both its physical and metaphysical dimensions’(62–3) typical of the era. To a large extent, the body Théophile depicts is a scatological body, one whose deterioration takes the form of waste, disease, and evacuation as represented in both the private and public domain. Of course, one could cast aside any serious reading of Théophile’s libertine verse, and virtually all of scatological literature for that matter, as an immature indulgence in the prurient. Nonetheless, it was for his dissolute behavior and his scatological poetry that Théophile was imprisoned and condemned to death. Consequently, this part of his work merits serious consideration in terms of the personal and poetic (if not occasionally political) statement it represents. With the exception of Claire Gaudiani’s outstanding critical edition of Théophile’s cabaret lyric, there exist no extensive studies of the poet’s libertine œuvre.4 Clearly however, these poems should be taken seriously with respect to their philosophical and aesthetic import. As a consequence, the objective becomes that of enhancing the reader’s understanding of the lyric contexts in which Théophile’s scatological offerings situate themselves. Structurally, the reader sees how the poet’s libertine ceuvre is just that — an integrated work in which the various components correspond to one another to set forth a number of approaches from which the texts are to be read. These points of view are not always consistent, and Théophile cannot be thought of as writing in a sequential manner along the lines of devotional Baroque poets such as Jean de La Ceppède and Jean de Sponde. However, there is a tendency not to read these poems in their vulgar totality, and to overlook the formal and substantive unity in this category of Théophile’s work. The poet’s resistance to poetic and cultural standards takes a profane, if not pornographic form because it seeks to disgust and arouse while denigrating the self, the lyric other, and the reader. Théophile’s pornography makes no distinction between the erotic and scatological. The poet conflates sex and shit because they present a double form of protest to artistic and social decency while titillating and attacking the reader’s sensibilities. Examination of the repugnant gives way to a cathartic experience which yields an understanding of, if not ironic delight in, one’s own filthy nature.

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In the present study, mitochondrial (mt)DNA sequence data were used to examine the genetic structure of fire-eye antbirds (genus Pyriglena) along the Atlantic Forest and the predictions derived from the river hypothesis and from a Last Glacial Maximum Pleistocene refuge paleomodel were compared to explain the patterns of genetic variation observed in these populations. A total of 266 individuals from 45 populations were sampled over a latitudinal transect and a number of phylogeographical and population genetics analytical approaches were employed to address these questions. The pattern of mtDNA variation observed in fire-eye antbirds provides little support for the view that populations were isolated by the modern course of major Atlantic Forest rivers. Instead, the data provide stronger support for the predictions of the refuge model. These results add to the mounting evidence that climatic oscillations appear to have played a substantial role in shaping the phylogeographical structure and possibly the diversification of many taxa in this region. However, the results also illustrate the potential for more complex climatic history and historical changes in the geographical distribution of Atlantic Forest than envisioned by the refuge model. (c) 2012 The Linnean Society of London, Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 2012, 105, 900824.

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We studied the reproduction, sexual dimorphism, and diet of Oxyrhopus trigeminus from two sites in southeastern Brazil. Oxyrhopus trigeminus from Irape Power Plant (IPP) contained vitellogenic follicles and eggs in both rainy and dry seasons and clutch size was not correlated with female snout vent length (SVL). Sexual dimorphism was evident. Females attain larger SVL but males have longer tails. We found three females from Santa Clara Power Plant (SPP) with vitellogenic follicles, all of them collected in the dry season. Mean SVLs of adult females from IPP and SPP were 717.7 mm and 786 mm, respectively. Mean SVL of adult males from IPP was 553.4 mm and the single adult male from SPP was 507 mm. The diet of O. trigeminus from IPP included rodents (46.7%), lizards (33.3%), and birds (20%). The volume of individual prey items was not correlated with snake SVL. The diet of O. trigeminus from SPP included rodents (37.5%), lizards (37.5%), birds (12.5%), and marsupials (12.5%). It seemed that an ontogenetic shift may occur in individuals of this snake species from IPP.

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Anadia pariaensis Rivas, La Marca, and Oliveros, 1999, and Anadia steyeri Nieden, 1914, are two particularly rare and poorly known lizards described from single specimens. In the case of A. pariaensis, it remains known from the holotype, whereas A. steyeri is known from three additional specimens reported in the literature after the original description of the species. A single new specimen of A. pariaensis and five of A. steyeri, including the first adult males recorded for both species, make possible a more representative description of both species, including descriptions of the hemipenes. Despite both species presenting some similar morphological characteristics, the examination of the hemipenial morphology revealed very different organs. The hemipenis of A. steyeri presents some characteristics that resemble the organs of two species from the Santa Marta Mountain Range in the "bitaeniata-group" (Anadia pulchella and Anadia altaserrania). On the other hand, the hemipenes of A. pariaensis are unique morphologically and cannot be associated with the hemipenes known from other species in the genus. We describe variation within both species, and we comment on possible sexual dimorphism (number and arrangement of the femoral pores), natural history, and the known geographic distribution of the species. We also comment on Anadia bumanguesa Rueda-Almonacid and Caicedo 2004 based on a new specimen, the second known. This species may be a synonym of A. steyeri.