972 resultados para Economic groups [GGE]


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Indigenous Australians have socioeconomic attributes similar to those of residents in some developing countries. Their utilisation of wildlife could add to their economic opportunities. Attitudes of a sample of the Australian public towards the subsistence use of wildlife by Indigenous Australians and whether or not they should be allowed to sell wildlife and wildlife products are examined. Allowing such possibilities could provide economic incentives for nature conservation among local people. We explore whether those sampled believe that Indigenous Australians should do more than other groups and institutions to conserve Australia's tropical species, and whether or not they should be allowed to take common as well as endangered wildlife species for food. Attitudes of the sampled public towards Indigenous Australians earning income from trophy hunting and from the harvesting of northern long-necked turtles for the pet trade are canvassed. The possible conservation consequences of sale of wildlife by Indigenous Australians are discussed.

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Growing economic globalisation by extending the operation of markets is a two-edged sword as far as nature conservation is concerned. In some circumstances, it threatens the conservation of nature and in other cases, it provides economic incentives that foster the conservation of biodiversity. This article shows how global policy directions have altered in that regard. Initially the World Conservation Union (IUCN) favoured bans on trade in endangered species. This view was enshrined in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Subsequently, with the upsurge of support for market-based economic liberalism, IUCN recognised that economic and market incentives, if linked to appropriate property rights, could foster biodiversity conservation. This is reflected in the International Convention on Biological Diversity. While there is conflict between this convention and CITES, its extent has been exaggerated. As explained, in certain cases, trade restrictions of the type adopted in CITES are appropriate for nature conservation whereas the market-oriented policy of the Convention on Biological Diversity can be effective in some different situations. Whether or not the extension of markets in wildlife and wildlife products and growing economic globalisation favours nature conservation varies according to the circumstances.

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Much faith has been put in the increased supply of education as a means to promote national economic development and as a way to assist the poor and the disadvantaged. However, the benefits that nations can obtain by increasing the level of education of their workforce depends on the availability of other forms of capital to complement the use of its educated workforce in production. Generally, less developed nations are lacking in complementary capital compared to more developed ones and it is appropriate for less developed countries to spend relatively less on education. The contribution of education to economic growth depends on a nation’s stage of economic development. It is only when a nation becomes relatively developed that education becomes a major contributor to economic growth. It is possible for less developed nations to retard their economic growth by favouring investment in educational capital rather than other forms of capital. Easy access to education is often portrayed as a powerful force for assisting the poor and the disadvantaged. Several reasons are given here as to why it may not be so effective in assisting the poor and in promoting greater income equality even though the aim is a worthy one. Also, an economic argument is presented in favour of special education for the physically and mentally handicapped. This paper is not intended to belittle the contribution of education to economic development nor to devalue the ideal of making basic education available to all. Instead, it is intended as an antidote to inflated claims about the ability of greater investment in education to promote economic growth and about the ability of more widespread access to education to reduce poverty and decrease income inequality.

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This paper provides an overview of concepts of sustainable agriculture and possible methods of attaining sustainability of agricultural yields and production. Reasons are given as to why modern industrialised agriculture might be less sustainable in terms of yields than traditional agriculture. The question of whether organic agriculture is likely to be more sustainable than non-organic agriculture is considered as well as organic agriculture’s likely impact on wild biodiversity. The impact of the development of agriculture on wild biodiversity is assessed because some environmentalists see the conservation of wild biodiversity as an important ingredient of sustainable development. However, there is a policy conflict between conservationist groups. Some see intensive agriculture (including silviculture) as favourable to the conservation of wild biodiversity whereas others oppose such production methods as being unfavourable to wild biodiversity conservation. Reasons why modern industrialised agricultural systems are so widely adopted (and continue to be adopted) despite their apparent lack of sustainability are suggested. Market systems may tend to lock producers into unsustainable production methods.

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Environmental conditions play a significant role in the economic success of aquaculture. This article classifies environmental factors in a way that facilitates economic analysis of their implications for the selection of aquaculture species and systems. The implication of on-farm as on-site environmental conditions for this selection are considered first using profit-possibility frontiers and taking into account the biological law of environmental tolerance. However, in selecting, recommending and developing aquaculture species and systems, it is often unrealistic to assume the degree of managerial efficiency implied by the profit-possibility function. It is appropriate to take account of the degree of managerial inefficiency that actually exists, not all of which may be capable of being eliminated. Furthermore, experimental R&D should be geared to on-farm conditions, and the variability of these conditions needs to be taken into account. Particularly in shared water bodies, environmental spillovers between aquaculturalists can be important and as shown theoretically, can influence the socially optimal selection of aquaculture species and systems. Similarly, aquaculture can have environmental consequences for the rest of the community. The social economic implications of this for the selection of aquaculture species and systems are analyzed. Some paradoxical results are obtained. For example, if the quality of social governance of aquaculture is poor, aquaculture species and systems that cause a slow rate of environmental deterioration may be socially less satisfactory than those that cause a rapid rate of such deterioration. Socially optimal choice of aquaculture species and systems depends not only on their biophysical characteristics and market conditions but also on the prevailing state of governance of aquaculture. Failure to consider the last aspect can result in the introduction of new aquaculture species (and systems) doing more social harm than good.

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Introduction The objective of this study was to analyse the accommodation needs of people with intellectual disability over the age of 18 years in Toowoomba and contiguous shires. In 2004, a group of carers established Toowoomba Intellectual Disability Support Association (TIDSA) to address the issue of the lack of supported accommodation for people with intellectual disability over the age of 18 and the concerns of ageing carers. The Centre for Rural and Remote Area Health (CRRAH) was engaged by TIDSA to ascertain this need and undertook a research project funded by the Queensland Gambling Community Benefit Fund. While data specifically relating to people with intellectual disability and their carers are difficult to obtain, the Australian Bureau of Statistics report that carers of people with a disability are more likely to be female and at least 65 years of age. Projections by the National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling (NATSEM) show that disability rates are increasing and carer rates are decreasing. Thus the problem of appropriate support to the increasing number of ageing carers and those who they care for will be a major challenge to policy makers and is an issue of immediate concern. In general, what was once the norm of accommodating people with intellectual disability in large institutions is now changing to accommodating into community-based residences (Annison, 2000; Young, Ashman, Sigafoos, & Grevell, 2001). However, in Toowoomba and contiguous shires, TIDSA have noted that the availability of suitable accommodation for people with intellectual disability over the age of 18 years is declining with no new options available in an environment of increasing demand. Most effort seemed to be directed towards crisis provision. Method This study employed two phases of data gathering, the first being the distribution of a questionnaire through local service providers and upon individual request to the carers of people with intellectual disability over the age of 18. The questionnaire comprised of Likert-type items intended to measure various aspects of current and future accommodation issues. Most questions were followed with space for free-response comments to provide the opportunity for carers to further clarify and expand on their responses. The second phase comprised semi-structured interviews conducted with ten carers and ten people with intellectual disability who had participated in the Phase One questionnaire. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and subjected to content analysis where major themes were explored. Results Age and gender Carer participants in this study totalled 150. The mean age of these carers was 61.5 years and ranged from 40 – 91 years. Females comprised 78% of the sample (mean age = 61.49; range from 40-91) and 22% were male (mean age = 61.7 range from 43-81). The mean age of people with intellectual disability in our study was 37.2 years ranging from 18 – 79 years with 40% female (mean age = 39.5; range from 19-79) and 60% male (mean age = 35.6; range from 18-59). The average age of carers caring for a person over the age of 18 who is living at home is 61 years. The average age of the carer who cares for a person who is living away from home is 62 years. The overall age range of both these groups of carers is between 40 and 81 years. The oldest group of carers (mean age = 70 years) were those where the person with intellectual disability lives away from home in a large residential facility. Almost one quarter of people with an intellectual disability who currently live at home is cared for by one primary carer and this is almost exclusively a parent.