809 resultados para Cultural international relations
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W artykule dokonana została analiza percepcji potęgi amerykańskiej wg Josepha Nye’a. Przyrównuje on glob ziemski do Globalnej Szachownicy, na której ma miejsce Wielka Gra, pomiędzy jej uczestnikami. Owa gra toczy się na trzech równoległych płaszczyznach: sektorze siły militarnej, potencjale ekonomicznym oraz „miękkiej sile”. Te trzy sektory tworzą smart power, czyli rozważną potęgę. Zatem każde państwo, jak również pozapaństwowi uczestnicy stosunków międzynarodowych, posiada te trzy zasoby. Jednakże, można ich używać w przeróżny sposób, często nadużywając siły militarnej, kosztem „miękkiego oddziaływania politycznego”. Nie prowadzi to do rozważnej siły, a więc również nie zwiększa bezpieczeństwa na arenie międzynarodowej.
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W nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych porządek, czy też ład międzynarodowy, to zbiór podmiotów państwowych i niepaństwowych złączonych wzajemnymi relacjami o różnorodnym charakterze i działających według wspólnie wypracowanych lub narzuconych z zewnątrz reguł. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny i utracie na znaczeniu ładu jałtańskiego rozgorzała dyskusja nad kształtem jaki ma przybrać ład postzimnowojenny. Z poczynionych rozważań wynika, że polityczny i gospodarczy ład międzynarodowy w najbliższych dekadach będzie wielobiegunowy. Szczególne znaczenie odgrywać w nim będą USA, Chiny , a także Unia Europejska, Japonia, Indie i Brazylia. Obecnie UE odgrywa jedną z najważniejszych ról w budowie ładu międzynarodowego. Widać to zwłaszcza pod względem gospodarczym jako że Unia UE jest obecnie największym światowym eksporterem i drugim (po USA) importerem. Wydaje się jednak, że tradycyjne opisywanie Unii Europejskiej jako przykładu obszaru sukcesu gospodarczego może w najbliższym czasie ulec zmianie. Europa w długiej perspektywie ulegnie marginalizacji jeśli nie wróci do projektów ściślejszej integracji, nie wykorzysta lepiej swojego potencjału intelektualnego i gospodarczego oraz nie przyspieszy rozwoju poprzez stawianie na nowe technologie. Dla podtrzymania swojej pozycji powinna ona aktywniej współpracować z USA, utrzymywać poprawne stosunki z krajami azjatyckimi a także zaangażować się we współpracę z organizacjami między- i pozarządowymi, które w najbliższych latach będą zyskiwać na znaczeniu
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Tese apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciências Sociais, especialidade em Relações Internacionais
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The past two decades has seen a dramatic upheaval in the international world order: the end of the Cold War, the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent 'War on Terror', increased Jihadist activities, the accelerated pace of globalization, climate change and the 2008 global financial crisis have contributed to fear, uncertainty, poverty, conflict, massive displacements of populations of asylum seekers and refugees globally and a proliferation of Protracted Refugee Situations (PRS), defined as situations in which refugees have been in exile 'for 5 years or more after their initial displacement, without immediate prospects for implementation of durable solutions. In the past two decades there has been a huge proliferation of these with more than 7.2 million refugees now trapped in these PRS, with a further 16 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) trapped in camps within their own countries. The Dadaab refugee complex in Kenya, which of as March 2012, holds over 463,000 refugees, is the most significant and extreme example in recent times of a PRS. It was established in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali Government of Dictator Siad Barre, and the disintegration of Somalia into the chaos that still exists today. PRS such as Dadaab raise particular issues about humanitarianism in terms of aid, protection, security, human rights and the actions (or inaction) of the various stakeholders on an international, national and local level. This thesis investigates these issues by the use of a case study methodology on Dadaab as a PRS, framed in the context of humanitarianism and in particular the issues that arise in terms of how the international community, the UN system and individual states provide assistance and protection to vulnerable populations. Although the refugee camps have been in existence (as of 2012) for over 20 years, there has never been such a detailed study of Dadaab (or any other PRS) undertaken to date and would be of interest to academics in the areas of international relations, refugee/migration studies and global Governance as well as practitioners in both humanitarian response and development
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This thesis is an investigation into the US response to the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia between 1974 and 1981. It argues that the US experience in the Vietnam War acted as a causal factor in the formulation of its Cambodian policy during the presidencies of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter. From taking power in April 1975 to their removal by the Vietnamese in January 1979, the Khmer Rouge initiated a revolution unrivalled in the 20th Century for its brutality and for the total eradication of modern society. This thesis demonstrates that the Ford administration viewed Cambodia only as it pertained to their strategy in Vietnam and, following US disengagement from Indochina all but ignored the atrocities occurring there as they instead pursued informal relations with the Khmer Rouge as a means of punishing the Vietnamese. The Carter administration formulated a foreign policy based on human rights yet failed to adequately address the genocide that occurred in Cambodia due to its temporal and regional proximity to Vietnam. Instead, this collective reluctance to reengage with the region and the resulting anti-Vietnamese attitude reinforced Brzezinski’s broader global strategy that allied the US with China in support of an independent Cambodia to further isolate Hanoi. Thus this thesis argues that the distorting impact of the Vietnam War, as well as global Cold War calculations, undermined any appreciation of the Cambodian conflict and caused both administrations to pursue policies in Cambodia that ultimately supported the Khmer Rouge regime. This project incorporates declassified material from the Ford and Carter Presidential Libraries, supplemented by the material from the National Archives and Library of Congress, and relevant newspapers and periodicals. It demonstrates that the limitations placed upon US foreign policy by their experience in the Vietnam War may be used to reveal unexplored elements in US-Cambodian relations.
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How do our everyday actions shape and transform the world economy? This volume of original essays argues that current scholarship in international political economy (IPE) is too highly focused on powerful states and large international institutions. The contributors examine specific forms of â everyday' actions to demonstrate how small-scale actors and their decisions can shape the global economy. They analyse a range of seemingly ordinary or subordinate actors, including peasants, working classes and trade unions, lower-middle and middle classes, female migrant labourers and Eastern diasporas, and examine how they have agency in transforming their political and economic environments. This book offers a novel way of thinking about everyday forms of change across a range of topical issues including globalisation, international finance, trade, taxation, consumerism, labour rights and regimes. It will appeal to students and scholars of politics, international relations, political economy and sociology.
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The main research question of this thesis is how do grand strategies form. Grand strategy is defined as a state's coherent and consistent pattern of behavior over a long period of time in search of an overarching goal. The political science literature usually explains the formation of grand strategies by using a planning (or design) model. In this dissertation, I use primary sources, interviews with former government officials, and historical scholarship to show that the formation of grand strategy is better understood using a model of emergent learning imported from the business world. My two case studies examine the formation of American grand strategy during the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras. The dissertation concludes that in both these strategic eras the dominating grand strategies were formed primarily by emergent learning rather than flowing from advanced designs.
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The chapter provides a critical overview of European engagement with Asia, and reviews the contemporary economic cooperation and trade relations between the two regions. The chapter concludes with a critical assessment of the nature of EU interregionalism and speculates on the influence and actorness of the European Union in Asia.
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The development of coherent and effective relations with other regions and countries is one of the most challenging tasks faced by the European Union. This original volume explores the EU’s engagement with the global South, focusing on three controversial policy areas: economic cooperation, development cooperation, and conflict management. A discussion of the EU’s interregional model—which promotes interaction with regions rather than nation-states—provides a backdrop for case studies of EU policies with regard to Africa, Asia, and Latin America. While disclosing the tensions and overlaps between the EU’s foreign policies and those of its member states, the authors also highlight an increasing trend toward successful policy coordination.
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The Hellenic Observatory, European Institute panel debate.
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This paper drawing from audit reports reflects upon the post-Iraq war administration the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). It argues that the CPA’s compliance with basic levels of decent public administration were akin to Guantanamo’s compliance with basic levels of natural justice. The audit reports demonstrate that the CPA was a chaotic administration which spent billions without proper controls or procedures and left precious Iraqi oil revenues open to fraudulent acts. The CPA failed to comply with its obligations under UN resolutions. It identifies the geopolitical/economic implications of the US government which was partly motivated by economic concerns but it was also motivated by political concerns—the imposition of US hegemony. It then turns to the broader economic imperatives of the falling rate of profit and the imposition of neoliberalism (market fundamentalism).
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Dr. Alexander Tille (1866–1912) was one of the key-figures in Anglo-German intercultural transfer towards the end of the 19th century. As a lecturer in German at Glasgow University he was the first to translate and edit Nietzsche’s work into English. Writers such as W. B. Yeats were influenced by Nietzsche and used Tille’s translations. Tille’s social Darwinist reading of the philosopher’s oeuvre, however, had a narrowing impact on the reception of Nietzsche in the Anglo-Saxon world for decades. Through numerous publications Tille disseminated knowledge about British authors (e.g., Robert Louis Stevenson, William Wordsworth) in Germany and about German authors (e.g., Johann Wolfgang von Goethe) in Britain. His role as mediator also extended into areas such as history, religion, and industry. During the Boer war, however, Tille’s outspoken pro-German nationalism brought him in conflict with his British host society. After being physically attacked by his students he returned to Germany and published a highly anglophobic monograph. Tille personifies the paradox of Anglo-German relations in the pre-war years, which deteriorated despite an increase in intercultural transfer and knowledge about the respective Other. [From the Author]