929 resultados para Cultural historical psychology
Resumo:
There is a plethora of criminological explanations why criminal violence increased during the three decades between the early 1960s and the early 1990s. This paper argues that most available interpretations are lacking in three respects: they lack a historical perspective that anchors the three critical decades in a wider understanding of long-term trends; they take the nation-state as their unit of analysis and disregard important commonalities across the Western world; and they pay insufficient attention to different trends in broad categories of physical violence.This paper therefore takes a macro-level and long-term perspective on violent crime, focussing on European homicide during the past 160 years. It demonstrates that the period of increase was preceded by a long-term decline and convergence of homicide rates from the 1840s to the 1950s. Also, it shows that both the decline and the increase primarily resulted from temporal variation in the likelihood of physical aggression between men in public space. It argues that explanations of these common trends need to take into account broad long-term cultural change common to Western societies. In particular, the paper suggests that shifts in culturally transmitted and institutionally embedded ideals of the conduct of life may provide an explanation for long-term change in levels of interpersonal violence.
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The study reviews the Medieval Bulgarian translations from Greek as a multi-centennial process, preconditioned by the constant contacts between Byzantium and its Slavonic neighbor and dependant on the historical and cultural circumstances in Medieval Bulgaria. The facts are discussed from the prospective of two basic determining factors: social and cultural environment (spiritual needs of the age, political and cultural ideology, translationsʼ initiator, centers of translation activities, degree of education/literacy). The chronological and typological analysis of the thematic and genre range of the translated literature enables the outlining of five main stages: (1) Cyrillo-Methodian period (the middle of the 9th centuty – 885) – reception of the corpus needed for missionary purposes; (2) The First Bulgarian Tsardom period (885–1018) – intensive translation activities, founding the Christian literature in Bulgaria; (3) The period of The Byzantine rule (1018–1185) – a standstill in the translation activities and single translations of low-level literature texts; (4) The Second Bulgarian Tsardom – the period of Asenevtsi dynasty (the late 12th and the 13th centuries) – a partial revision of the liturgical and paraliturgical books; (5) The Second Bulgarian Tsardom – the Athonite-Tarnovo period (the 14th – early 15th century) – extensive relations with Byzantium and alignment to the then-current Byzantine models, intensifications of the translations flow and a broad range of the translation stream. (taken from: http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=fb876e89-ce0b-48a8-9373-a3d1e4d579a6&articleId=3056800e-cac7-4138-959e-8813abc311d9, 10.12.2013)
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Alexander von Humboldt explored the Spanish Empire on the verge of its collapse (1799–1804). He is the most significant German travel writer and the most important mediator between Europe and the Americas of the nineteenth century. His works integrated knowledge from two dozen domains. Today, he is at the center of debates on imperial discourse, postcolonialism, and globalization. This collection of fifty essays brings together a range of responses, many presented here for the first time in English. Authors from Schiller, Chateaubriand, Sarmiento, and Nietzsche, to Robert Musil, Kurt Tucholsky, Ernst Bloch, and Alejo Carpentier paint the historical background. Essays by contemporary travel writers and recent critics outline the current controversies on Humboldt. The source materials collected here will be indispensable to scholars of German, French, and Latin and North American literature as well as cultural and postcolonial studies, history, art history, and the history of science.
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We validate, extend, and empirically and theoretically criticize the cultural dimension of humane orientation of the project GLOBE (Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness Research Program). Theoretically, humane orientation is not just a one-dimensionally positive concept about being caring, altruistic, and kind to others as discussed by Kabasakal and Bodur (2004), but there is also a certain ambivalence to this concept. We suggest differentiating humane orientation toward in-group members from humane orientation toward out-group members. A multicountry construct validation study used student samples from 25 countries that were either high or low in humane orientation (N = 876) and studied their relation to the traditional GLOBE scale and other cultural-level measures (agreeableness, religiosity, authoritarianism, and welfare state score). Findings revealed a strong correlation between humane orientation and agreeableness, welfare state score, and religiosity. Out-group humane orientation proved to be the more relevant subfacet of the original humane orientation construct, suggesting that future research on humane orientation should make use of this measure instead of the vague original scale. The ambivalent character of out-group humane orientation is displayed in its positive correlation to high authoritarianism. Patriotism was used as a control variable for noncritical acceptance of one’s society but did not change the correlations. Our findings are discussed as an example of how rigid expectations and a lack of tolerance for diversity may help explain the ambivalent nature of humane orientation
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The goal of the present study is to supplement inter-cultural comparison of values as a cultural dimension by intra-cultural comparisons, and to go beyond comparisons of single values representing cultural dimensions by studying value patterns on the individual level. Therefore, relationships among general (individualism, collectivism) and domain-specific (family- and child-related) values and the transmission of values in three generations of one family were analyzed. The sample consisted of 100 complete triads of three generations (grandmothers, mothers, and adolescents). The results showed that the individual value orientations of these three generations dif- fered in the expected direction. Individualistic values were more supported by the younger and less by the older generation. While individualism did not show significant relations to other specific values, collectivism was the most powerful dimension to predict family and child-related values. Individual- ism and collectivism clearly turned out as separate dimensions with different functions for the individual value system. The value structure of grandmoth- ers as compared to the younger generations showed more internal consistency. A relative transmission of values was obvious for the adjacent generations. The results are discussed from the perspective of cultural change and stability, and the relation among cultural dimensions and individual value orientations.
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Family change theory (Kagitcibasi, 1996, 2007) is an approach which can be used to explain how modernisation and globalisation processes affect the family. The most important assumption of the theory is that when traditional interdependent cultures modernise, they need not necessarily develop in the direction of the independent family model typical of Western individualistic societies. Instead, they may develop towards a family model of emotional interdependence that combines continuing emotional interdependencies in the family with declining material interdependencies and with rising personal autonomy. In this chapter a preliminary evaluation of the empirical status of family change theory is given based on a review of recent cross-cultural studies. It will be shown to what extent the few studies that have been systematically conducted in this respect have found results either supporting or not supporting aspects ofthe theory, and where the strengths and problems of this research lie.
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This chapter explores cultural and individual religious roots of adolescents' family orientation on the basis of multilevel analyses with data from 17 cultural groups. Religion and the family are seen as intertwined social institutions. The family as a source of social support has been identified as an important mediator of the effects of religiosity on adolescent developmental outcomes. The results of the current study show that religiosity was related to different aspects of adolescents' family orientation (traditional family values. value of children, and family future orientation), and that the culture-level effects of religiosity on family orientation were stronger than the individual-level effects. At the cultural level, socioeconomic development added to the effect of religiosity, indicating that societal affluence combined with nonreligious secular orientations is linked to a lower family orientation, especially with regard to traditional family values. The authors suggest that individual religiosity may be of special importance for adolescents' family orientation in contexts where religiosity has lost some significance but religious traditions are still alive and can be (re-)connected to.
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This study contributes to research regarding the value of children (VOC) by comparing adolescents' VOC and their intentions to have children across 12 cultures and by exploring the relations between these constructs at the individual and cultural levels using multilevel modeling. A total of 3,348 adolescents from 12 cultures participated in this study. On average, adolescents reported that they intended to have about two children and also reported emotional VOC as being highly important. Adolescents from cultures with a low as compared to a high level of economic development reported a higher importance of the utilitarian-normative VOC. Results of the multilevel analyses showed that the reported emotional VOC was positively related to the number of children adolescents intended to have at the individual level, whereas the utilitarian-normative VOC was not related to adolescents' intention to have children. At the cultural level, the VOC dimensions were only partly related to adolescents' intention to have children. The results are discussed with regard to adolescents' future family orientation and in relation to the VOC approach.
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Die vorliegende kulturvergleichende Arbeit befasst sich mit den Familienmodellen Jugendlicher in zehn Kulturen auf Basis eines typologischen Ansatzes und eines Mehrebenenansatzes. Sie leistet damit einen empirischen Beitrag zur Theorie der Familienmodelle im kulturellen Wandel nach Kagitcibasi (2007). Diese Theorie postuliert die Existenz dreier idealtypischer Familienmodelle: ein Familienmodell der Independenz, das in industrialisierten westlichen Gesellschaften vorherrscht, ein Familienmodell der (vollständigen) Interdependenz, das in nicht-industrialisierten agrarischen Kulturen zu finden ist, und als Synthese aus den beiden genannten ein Familienmodell der emotionalen Interdependenz. Letzteres entwickelt sich der Theorie zufolge, wenn nicht-industrialisierte kollektivistische Kulturen Modernisierungsprozessen ausgesetzt sind. Traditionelle Kulturen mit einem Familienmodell der (vollständigen) Interdependenz sollen sich also im Zuge gesellschaftlicher Modernisierungsprozesse nicht notwendigerweise hin zum Familienmodell der Independenz entwickeln, sondern zu einem emotional-interdependenten Modell, das erlaubt, Autonomie mit enger interpersoneller Verbundenheit zu vereinen. Diese Annahme steht im Widerspruch zu klassischen modernisierungstheoretischen Annahmen und wurde in bisherigen Studien nur unzureichend geprüft. In einem typologischen Mehrebenen-Ansatz sollen Profile allgemeiner und familienbezogener Werthaltungen Jugendlicher identifiziert werden, die mit den drei idealtypischen Familienmodellen theoretisch verbunden werden können. In einem zweiten Schritt sollen diese Wertemuster durch verhaltensnähere Familienmodellindikatoren validiert werden. Die Daten für diese Arbeit stammen aus der von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft geförderten kulturvergleichenden und interdisziplinären Value of Children and Intergenerational Relations Studie (Trommsdorff, 2001) und umfassen eine Stichprobe von 2566 Jugendlichen aus der Volksrepublik China, Deutschland, Frankreich, Indien, Indonesien, Israel, Japan, Südafrika, der Schweiz und der Türkei. Zur Identifikation der angenommen Familienmodell-Werteprofile wurden Cluster-Analysen auf der Kultur- und auf der Individualebene durchgeführt. Auf beiden Analyseebenen zeigten sich drei Werteprofile, die dem erwarteten Muster der drei idealtypischen Familienmodelle entsprachen. Das Familienmodell der emotionalen Interdependenz zeigte dabei bezüglich der Werthaltungen, die emotionale Interdependenzen in der Familie widerspiegeln ähnlich hohe Werte wie das Familienmodell der (vollständigen) Interdependenz, dagegen zeigte es ähnliche Werte wie das Familienmodell der Independenz in Bezug auf Autonomie und materielle Interdependenz widerspiegelnde Werte. In Kulturen, die auf der Kulturebene ein bestimmtes Familienmodell-Werteprofil aufwiesen befanden sich zudem überwiegend Jugendliche, die das jeweils korrespondierende Werteprofil auf der individuellen Analyseebene aufzeigten. Zur Validierung der erhaltenen Familienmodell-Werteprofile wurden diese zu verhaltensnäheren Merkmalen von Familienmodellen in Beziehung gesetzt. Die Vorhersage erfolgte auch hier jeweils getrennt für die Kultur- und Individualebene. Mit Hilfe multinomialer logistischer Modelle wurde zunächst der Effekt der Familienmodell-Werteprofile auf die Bereitschaft der Jugendlichen überprüft, ihren Eltern bei der Hausarbeit zu helfen. Die Ergebnisse zeigten einen starken Effekt der Familienmodell-Werteprofile auf beiden Analyseebenen: fast alle Jugendlichen mit einem Familienmodell der (vollständigen) Interdependenz würden ihren Eltern helfen statt sich wie geplant mit ihren Freunden zu treffen, wohingegen nur zwei Drittel bzw. nur ein Drittel der Jugendlichen mit einem Familienmodell der emotionalen Interdependenz bzw. der Independenz der Bitte der Eltern folgen würde. In Bezug auf die familienbezogenen Zukunftsorientierungen Jugendlicher zeigte sich für die Pläne für eine zukünftige Heirat/Beziehung, dass Jugendliche mit einem Familienmodell der (vollständigen) Interdependenz den stärksten Heiratswunsch hatten. Jugendliche mit einem Familienmodell der emotionalen Interdependenz waren bezüglich dieser Frage am unsichersten, und Jugendliche mit einem Familienmodell der Independenz äußerten die stärkste Ablehnung in dieser Frage. In Bezug auf Pläne, später eigene Kinder zu haben zeigten sich ähnliche Effekte, die aber insgesamt schwächer ausfielen. Insgesamt zeigte sich trotz der Unterschiede eine hohe familienbezogene Zukunftsorientierung in allen Familienmodell-Werteprofilen sowie in allen Kulturen. Bezüglich der Sohn- bzw. Tochterpräferenz zeigten sich keine Effekte der Familienmodell- und Kulturzugehörigkeit. Die Ergebnisse der Studie stärken die umstrittene Validität insbesondere des Familienmodells der emotionalen Interdependenz. Ob es sich hierbei im Sinne der Theorie von Kagitcibasi um ein synthetisches Konvergenzmodell oder eher um ein Übergangsmodell handelt, muss zukünftige Forschung zeigen.