Sens et portée du rôle du législateur chez Jean-Jacques Rousseau

La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines.

L'autonomie d'un jeune agent révolutionnaire : Marc-Antoine Jullien de Paris, 1789-1794

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Underlying Event measurements in pp collisions at root s=0.9 and 7 TeV with the ALICE experiment at the LHC

We present measurements of Underlying Event observables in pp collisions at root s = 0 : 9 and 7 TeV. The analysis is performed as a function of the highest charged-particle transverse momentum p(T),L-T in the event. Different regions are defined with respect to the azimuthal direction of the leading (highest transverse momentum) track: Toward, Transverse and Away. The Toward and Away regions collect the fragmentation products of the hardest partonic interaction. The Transverse region is expected to be most sensitive to the Underlying Event activity. The study is performed with charged particles above three different p(T) thresholds: 0.15, 0.5 and 1.0 GeV/c. In the Transverse region we observe an increase in the multiplicity of a factor 2-3 between the lower and higher collision energies, depending on the track p(T) threshold considered. Data are compared to PYTHIA 6.4, PYTHIA 8.1 and PHOJET. On average, all models considered underestimate the multiplicity and summed p(T) in the Transverse region by about 10-30%.

Measurement of prompt J/psi and beauty hadron production cross sections at mid-rapidity in pp collisions at root s=7 TeV

The ALICE experiment at the LHC has studied J/psi production at mid-rapidity in pp collisions at root s = 7 TeV through its electron pair decay on a data sample corresponding to an integrated luminosity L-int = 5.6 nb(-1). The fraction of J/psi from the decay of long-lived beauty hadrons was determined for J/psi candidates with transverse momentum p(t) > 1,3 GeV/c and rapidity vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9. The cross section for prompt J/psi mesons, i.e. directly produced J/psi and prompt decays of heavier charmonium states such as the psi(2S) and chi(c) resonances, is sigma(prompt J/psi) (p(t) > 1.3 GeV/c, vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9) = 8.3 +/- 0.8(stat.) +/- 1.1 (syst.)(-1.4)(+1.5) (syst. pol.) mu b. The cross section for the production of b-hadrons decaying to J/psi with p(t) > 1.3 GeV/c and vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9 is a sigma(J/psi <- hB) (p(t) > 1.3 GeV/c, vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.9) = 1.46 +/- 0.38 (stat.)(-0.32)(+0.26) (syst.) mu b. The results are compared to QCD model predictions. The shape of the p(t) and y distributions of b-quarks predicted by perturbative QCD model calculations are used to extrapolate the measured cross section to derive the b (b) over bar pair total cross section and d sigma/dy at mid-rapidity.

Renal perfusion evaluation with contrast-enhanced ultrasonography

Contrast-enhanced ultrasonography (CEUS) is a novel imaging technique that is safe and applicable on the bedside. Recent developments seem to enable CEUS to quantify organ perfusion. We performed an exploratory study to determine the ability of CEUS to detect changes in renal perfusion and to correlate them with effective renal plasma flow.

Role of electrophysiological studies in predicting risk of ventricular arrhythmia in early repolarization syndrome.

BACKGROUND The early repolarization (ER) pattern is associated with an increased risk of arrhythmogenic sudden death. However, strategies for risk stratification of patients with the ER pattern are not fully defined. OBJECTIVES This study sought to determine the role of electrophysiology studies (EPS) in risk stratification of patients with ER syndrome. METHODS In a multicenter study, 81 patients with ER syndrome (age 36 ± 13 years, 60 males) and aborted sudden death due to ventricular fibrillation (VF) were included. EPS were performed following the index VF episode using a standard protocol. Inducibility was defined by the provocation of sustained VF. Patients were followed up by serial implantable cardioverter-defibrillator interrogations. RESULTS Despite a recent history of aborted sudden death, VF was inducible in only 18 of 81 (22%) patients. During follow-up of 7.0 ± 4.9 years, 6 of 18 (33%) patients with inducible VF during EPS experienced VF recurrences, whereas 21 of 63 (33%) patients who were noninducible experienced recurrent VF (p = 0.93). VF storm occurred in 3 patients from the inducible VF group and in 4 patients in the noninducible group. VF inducibility was not associated with maximum J-wave amplitude (VF inducible vs. VF noninducible; 0.23 ± 0.11 mV vs. 0.21 ± 0.11 mV; p = 0.42) or J-wave distribution (inferior, odds ratio [OR]: 0.96 [95% confidence interval (CI): 0.33 to 2.81]; p = 0.95; lateral, OR: 1.57 [95% CI: 0.35 to 7.04]; p = 0.56; inferior and lateral, OR: 0.83 [95% CI: 0.27 to 2.55]; p = 0.74), which have previously been demonstrated to predict outcome in patients with an ER pattern. CONCLUSIONS Our findings indicate that current programmed stimulation protocols do not enhance risk stratification in ER syndrome.

Benign vs malignant inferolateral early repolarization: Focus on the T wave.

BACKGROUND Inferolateral early repolarization (ER) is highly prevalent and is associated with idiopathic ventricular fibrillation (VF). OBJECTIVE The purpose of this study was to evaluate the potential role of T-wave parameters to differentiate between malignant and benign ER. METHODS We compared the ECGs of patients with ER and VF (n = 92) with control subjects with asymptomatic ER (n = 247). We assessed J-wave amplitude, QTc interval, T-wave/R-wave (T/R) ratio in leads II and V5, and presence of low-amplitude T waves (T-wave amplitude <0.1 mV and <10% of R-wave amplitude in lead I, II, or V4-V6). RESULTS Compared to controls, the VF group had longer QTc intervals (388 ms vs 377 ms, P = .001), higher J-wave amplitudes (0.23 mV vs 0.17 mV, P <.001), higher prevalence of low-amplitude T waves (29% vs 3%, P <.001), and lower T/R ratio (0.18 vs 0.30, P <.001). Logistic regression analysis demonstrated that QTc interval (odds ratio [OR] per 10 ms: 1.15, 95% confidence interval [CI} 1.02-1.30), maximal J-wave amplitude (OR per 0.1 mV: 1.68, 95% CI 1.23-2.31), lower T/R ratio (OR per 0.1 unit: 0.62, 95% CI 0.47-0.81), presence of low-amplitude T waves (OR 3.53, 95% CI 1.26-9.88). and presence of J waves in the inferior leads (OR 2.58, 95% CI 1.18-5.65) were associated with malignant ER. CONCLUSION Patients with malignant ER have a higher prevalence of low-amplitude T waves, lower T/R ratio (lead II or V5), and longer QTc interval. The combination of these parameters with J-wave amplitude and distribution of J waves may allow for improved identification of malignant ER.

Two independent and primitive envelopes of the bilobate nucleus of comet 67P

The factors shaping cometary nuclei are still largely unknown, but could be the result of concurrent effects of evolutionary(1,2) and primordial processes(3,4). The peculiar bilobed shape of comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko may be the result of the fusion of two objects that were once separate or the result of a localized excavation by outgassing at the interface between the two lobes(5). Here we report that the comet's major lobe is enveloped by a nearly continuous set of strata, up to 650 metres thick, which are independent of an analogous stratified envelope on the minor lobe. Gravity vectors computed for the two lobes separately are closer to perpendicular to the strata than those calculated for the entire nucleus and adjacent to the neck separating the two lobes. Therefore comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko is an accreted body of two distinct objects with 'onion-like' stratification, which formed before they merged. We conclude that gentle, low-velocity collisions occurred between two fully formed kilometre-sized cometesimals in the early stages of the Solar System. The notable structural similarities between the two lobes of comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko indicate that the early-forming cometesimals experienced similar primordial stratified accretion, even though they formed independently.

The morphological diversity of comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko

Images of comet 67P/Churyumov-Gerasimenko acquired by the OSIRIS (Optical, Spectroscopic and Infrared Remote Imaging System) imaging system onboard the European Space Agency's Rosetta spacecraft at scales of better than 0.8 meter per pixel show a wide variety of different structures and textures. The data show the importance of airfall, surface dust transport, mass wasting, and insolation weathering for cometary surface evolution, and they offer some support for subsurface fluidization models and mass loss through the ejection of large chunks of material.

The 2011 Constitutional reform in Morocco: more flaws than merits. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 07/2014

Introduction. In the speech given to both Houses of Parliament on 11 October 2013 during the first parliamentary session, King Mohammed VI said that the “Moroccan democratic model” was “a precursor in the region as well as on the continental level.”1 Similarly, with the purpose of stressing the “democratic exceptionalism”2 of the country, the new government, led by Abdeilah Benkirane, emphasised that Morocco represents a “third way” compared to countries such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt since it “…has not embarked on a limited process of reform from the top, driven and controlled by the King. Nor has it experienced a revolution brought a angry citizens rising up against the regime. Rather, it has chosen an alternate path based on a genuine partnership between the King and the PJD (Parti de la justice et du développement) that promises to bring about more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took place in Morocco was considered an extremely positive step taken by the country, as well as a means to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Indeed, according to the High Representative Catherine Ashton, this reform “constitute[s] a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people and [is] consistent with Morocco’s Advanced Status with the EU.”7 When it comes to the media, it is worth noting that following the ratification of the 2011 Constitution, The New York Times headlined: “All Hail the (Democratic) King.” Even sections of the academic literature have commended the constitutional reform carried out by the Moroccan Sovereign.9 In this paper I argue against the aforementioned idea, according to which Morocco should be considered a model in the region, and in particular I show that the constitution-making process, the 2011 Constitution and its subsequent implementation have more flaws than merits. Accordingly, this paper proceeds in five steps. First of all, I examine the reaction of the regime to the upheavals that broke out in the country after 20 February 2011. Secondly, I analyse the process of constitution showing its main strengths and weaknesses, and comparing it with other constituent processes that took place in the region following the Arab uprisings. In the third section, I highlight the most significant elements of continuity and discontinuity with the previous 1996 Constitution. The fourth section deals with the process of implementation: specifically process is proceeding quite slowly and that in some cases ordinary legislation is in contrast with the new Constitution and international human rights treaties. Moreover, I discuss the role that the judiciary and the Constitutional Court can play in the implementation and interpretation of the Constitution. Finally, I draw some concluding remarks.

Essai sur les beaux-arts, et particulièrement sur le Salon de 1817; ou, Examen critique des principaux ouvrages d'art exposés dans le cours de cette année, avec trente-huit gravures au trait;

Includes index.

Discours prononcés dans l'Académie françoise.

"Réponse de M. le Marquis de Chastellux": p. 33-44.

Lettre du général Arthur Condorcet O'connor au général La Fayette, sur les causes qui ont privé la France des avantages de la révolution de 1830.

Mode of access: Internet.