994 resultados para Commerçants savoyards -- Europe -- 1500-1800
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To monitor recent trends in oral and pharyngeal cancer mortality in 38 European countries, we analyzed data provided by the World Health Organization over the period 1975-2004. Joinpoint analysis was used to identify significant changes in trends. In the European Union (EU), male mortality rates rose by 2.1% per year between 1975 and 1984, by 1.0% between 1984 and 1993, and declined by 1.3% between 1993 and 2004, to reach an overall age-standardized rate of 6.1/100,000 in 2000-2004. Mortality rates were much lower in women, and the rate in the EU rose by 0.9% per year up to 2000, and levelled off to 1.1/100,000 in 2000-2004. In France and Italy - which had the highest rates in the past - male rates have steadily declined during the last two decades (annual percent change, APC=-4.8% in 1998-2004 in France, and -2.6% in 1986-2003 in Italy). Persisting rises were, however, observed in several central and eastern European countries, with exceedingly high rates in Hungary (21.1/100,000; APC=6.9% in 1975-1993 and 1.4% in 1993-2004) and Slovakia (16.9/100,000; APC=0.14% in 1992-2004). In middle aged (35 to 64) men, oral and pharyngeal cancer mortality rates in Hungary (55.2/100,000) and Slovakia (40.8/100,000) were comparable to lung cancer rates in several major European countries. The highest rates for women were in Hungary (3.3/100,000; APC=4.7% in 1975-2004) and Denmark (1.6/100,000; APC=1.3% in 1975-2001). Oral and pharyngeal cancer mortality essentially reflects the different patterns in tobacco smoking and alcohol drinking, including drinking patterns and type of alcohol in central Europe. (c) 2009 UICC.
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OBJECTIVES: The aim of this study is to describe the prenatal diagnosis and epidemiology of multicystic kidney dysplasia (MCKD). METHODS: The study is based on routinely collected data from a European database of major congenital anomalies including 13 registries with cases born in 1997-2006 and covering 1 458 552 births. RESULTS: There were 601 MCKD cases giving an overall prevalence of 4.12 per 10 000 births with regional variation. In live births, 87% of cases had an isolated renal anomaly and 13% had associated major nonrenal anomalies (chromosomal, syndrome or other major anomalies). For the cases with isolated renal anomalies, 51/386 (11%) and 7/386 (2%) choose to terminate the pregnancy or resulted in an intrauterine fetal death, respectively. The prenatal detection rate was 88% in both unilateral and bilateral cases. Birth outcome differed with 92% of unilateral MCKD cases being liveborn compared with 33% of bilateral MCKD cases. For unilateral MCKD cases, 84% had an isolated renal anomaly compared with 51% of bilateral MCKD cases (p < 0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Cases with unilateral MCKD are mainly liveborn, and only 16% have associated major malformations or a syndrome. Cases with bilateral MCKD are often associated with nonrenal major congenital anomalies or part of a syndrome, and only one third of bilateral MCKD cases in this study were liveborn. Prenatal detection rate of MCKD was high for both unilateral and bilateral cases. © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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El cluster Medicon Valley es troba a la regió d'Oresund binacional que s'estén per Dinamarca i Suècia, inclosa la Universitat de Lund, ciutat i tercera ciutat més gran de Suècia, Malmö (veure figura 1). El 2000, aquestes dues parts nacionals estaven connectades físicament per l'establiment dels 18 quilòmetres de longitud, enllaç fix del Øresund (ponts i túnels).
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Aquest article dóna un cop d'ull més de prop com les qüestions de legitimitat democràtica es van negociar durant la primera de les tres etapes de la redacció de la Constitució, en la Convenció sobre el Futur d'Europa (febrer de 2002-juliol 2003), i per la posterior Conferència Intergovernamental (juliol de 2003 a juny de 2004). L'objectiu d'aquesta anàlisi és avaluar el grau en què els redactors de la Comissió Europea s'han resolt els problemes de disputes sobre la democràcia postnacional que es van debatre en la Convenció
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BACKGROUND: Chlamydia is the most commonly reported bacterial sexually transmitted infection in Europe. The objective of the Screening for Chlamydia in Europe (SCREen) project was to describe current and planned chlamydia control activities in Europe. METHODS: The authors sent a questionnaire asking about different aspects of chlamydia epidemiology and control to public health and clinical experts in each country in 2007. The principles of sexually transmitted infection control were used to develop a typology comprising five categories of chlamydia control activities. Each country was assigned to a category, based on responses to the questionnaire. RESULTS: Experts in 29 of 33 (88%) invited countries responded. Thirteen of 29 countries (45%) had no current chlamydia control activities. Six countries in this group stated that there were plans to introduce chlamydia screening programmes. There were five countries (17%) with case management guidelines only. Three countries (10%) also recommended case finding amongst partners of diagnosed chlamydia cases or people with another sexually transmitted infection. Six countries (21%) further specified groups of asymptomatic people eligible for opportunistic chlamydia testing. Two countries (7%) reported a chlamydia screening programme. There was no consistent association between the per capita gross domestic product of a country and the intensity of chlamydia control activities (P = 0.816). CONCLUSION: A newly developed classification system allowed the breadth of ongoing national chlamydia control activities to be described and categorized. Chlamydia control strategies should ensure that clinical guidelines to optimize chlamydia diagnosis and case management have been implemented before considering the appropriateness of screening programmes.
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Background Euromelanoma is a skin cancer education and prevention campaign that started in 1999 in Belgium as 'Melanoma day'. Since 2000, it is active in a large and growing number of European countries under the name Euromelanoma. Objective To evaluate results of Euromelanoma in 2009 and 2010 in 20 countries, describing characteristics of screenees, rates of clinically suspicious lesions for skin cancer and detection rates of melanomas. Methods Euromelanoma questionnaires were used by 20 countries providing their data in a standardized database (Belgium, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, FYRO Macedonia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Moldavia, Portugal, Serbia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and Ukraine). Results In total, 59 858 subjects were screened in 20 countries. Most screenees were female (64%), median ages were 43 (female) and 46 (male) and 33% had phototype I or II. The suspicion rates ranged from 1.1% to 19.4% for melanoma (average 2.8%), from 0.0% to 10.7% for basal cell carcinoma (average 3.1%) and from 0.0% to 1.8% for squamous cell carcinoma (average 0.4%). The overall positive predictive value of countries where (estimation of) positive predictive value could be determined was 13.0%, melanoma detection rates varied from 0.1% to 1.9%. Dermoscopy was used in 78% of examinations with clinically suspected melanoma; full body skin examination was performed in 72% of the screenees. Conclusion Although the population screened during Euromelanoma was relatively young, high rates of clinically suspected melanoma were found. The efficacy of Euromelanoma could be improved by targeting high-risk populations and by better use of dermoscopy and full body skin examination.
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Référence bibliographique : Rol, 55060
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This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO´s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question