On Becoming a Working Visual Artist: Opportunities and Challenges Along the Path

Thousands of students graduate from colleges and art schools every year with the goal of becoming working visual artists. The majority of them, however, find that earning a living as a working artist is a tough and competitive career path. This Capstone Project, through an extensive literature review and interviews, examines the factors and characteristics that influence whether an individual will make the leap to becoming a working visual artist. Research results indicate that primary factors in achieving the status of working visual artists include specific personality traits, experiential and career-oriented arts education, and development of strong business skills.

Digital Fabrication and Free Culture. One More Minor Becoming?

Diferentes autores se refieren a la fabricación digital como la Tercera Revolución Digital, después de las revoluciones de la computación y la comunicación. Como ocurriera con las dos revoluciones precedentes, se generaron grandes expectativas en torno a las virtualidades políticas de estas nuevas tecnologías para dar lugar a relaciones de producción más libres e individuos más autónomos. Sin embargo, como también ocurriera con la computación y la comunicación, lo que realmente está ocurriendo demuestra que las supuestas virtualidades no llegarán a hacerse actuales sin una intensa implicación, organización y trabajo por parte de sectores activistas técnicos y sociales. Se discute el caso de la compra corporativa de la empresa pionera de hardware libre Makerbot, como ejemplo de la situación y punto de inflexión en las expectativas de los nuevos tecno-visionarios. Para concluir se propone una serie de posibles estrategias que podrían promover el desarrollo efectivo de un ecosistema libre y open source de fabricación digital.

Tough love for sinners in the eurozone banking union. CEPS Commentary, 1 July 2013

The ministers of finance and the economy of the eurozone have now agreed on the main features of a new ESM instrument for the direct recapitalisation of euro area banks (Eurogroup, 2013) and on a framework for the recovery and resolution of credit institutions (Council of the European Union, 2013). However, as Stefano Micossi explains in this Commentary, the text that has come out of the frantic late-night negotiations in the Ecofin Council seems to leave unwelcome uncertainty as to the real scope of the new rules in the different national jurisdictions, while the lack of depositor preference in the bail-in pecking order may result in destabilisation. The proposed system appears not only highly intrusive but it also places a considerable burden of aid to the failing institution on the member state, raising doubts about its ability to “break the vicious circle between banks and sovereigns”.

Kazakhstan's attitude towards integration with Russia: less love, more fear. OSW Commentary No. 137, 29.05.2014

Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine have created a new context for Kazakhstan’s foreign and domestic policy. The ongoing crisis in the relations with Russia and the West has also changed the current order in the entire post-Soviet area. From Astana’s perspective, the Kremlin’s policy towards Ukraine can be considered dangerous since it shows Russia’s determination to interfere with the domestic affairs of its neighbours in the pursuit of its own interests. Furthermore, this policy reveals and raises the price a country needs to pay for its potential attempts to break free from the Russian zone of influence. At present the biggest challenge for the authorities in Astana is the accelerated implementation of the idea of the Eurasian Union promoted by Moscow, which is to be another stage in the integration of post-Soviet states (presently Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus). The signing of the Eurasian Union’s founding documents planned for late May 2014 and the launch of this organisation (scheduled for January 2015) is sure to bring Kazakhstan closer to Russia and simultaneously limit its economic and political independence. Nevertheless, Astana’s position in relations with Moscow will to a large extent depend on the new shape of the relations between Russia and China. China is pursuing its own strategic interests in Central Asia (including in the energy sector) and its main partner in the region is Kazakhstan. At the domestic level, Russia’s actions in Ukraine made the authorities in Astana fear that measures similar to those used in Ukraine could be applied towards Kazakhstan. On the one hand this has led to increased efforts aimed at consolidating the state and strengthening its structures, and on the other hand it has brought about a revision of those aspects of domestic policy which Russia could interpret as a pretext for interfering.

The European Union and global security: is the EU becoming the indispensable partner? EU Centre Singapore Background Brief No. 11, April 2014

The European Union has developed new capacity as a security actor in third countries, in particular in the area of crisis management. Over the past two decades the EU has deployed numerous missions, both of a civilian and military nature. Moreover the EU has defined its ability to intervene all along the ‘crisis cycle’, (from prevention to mediation, from peace-keeping to post-conflict reconstruction) and using all tools at its disposal (taking a ‘comprehensive approach’). However the EU is still not perceived as a major security provider globally and interventions remain limited to some geographic areas, mostly in its neighbourhood and Africa, with just a few examples further afield. The EU also tends to avoid taking direct action and seems to prefer partnership arrangements with other players. How can we explain the growing activism and number of EU’s intervention with the low impact and lack of visibility? Can we expect the EU to become more active in the future, taking on more responsibility and leading roles in addressing conflict situations? This paper will argue that the main reason for the EU’s hesitant role in crisis management is to be found in the weak decision-making provisions for EU’s security interventions, as one of the few policy areas still subject to consensus amongst 28 European Union Member States. Lack of a clearer delegation of competence or stronger coordination structures is closely linked to low legitimacy for the EU to take more robust action as a security actor. In order to overcome this legitimacy problem, and in order to facilitate consensus amongst Member States, the EU thus privileges partnership arrangements with other actors who can provide legitimacy and know-how, such as the UN or the African Union. As there is no political desire in the EU for tighter decision-making in this area, we can expect that the EU will continue to play a supporting rather than leading role in crisis management, becoming the partner of choice as it deepens its experience. However this does not mean that the EU is playing just a secondary role in the wider area of security, in particular when looking at nontraditional security. Looking at the role of the EU in Asia, where the EU has deployed just two missions, this paper will offer a broader assessment of the EU as a partner in the area of security taking into account different types of actions. The paper will argue that in order to strengthen cooperation with Asian partners in the area of crisis management, the EU will need to define better what it is able to offer, present its actions as part of an overall strategy rather than ad-hoc and piecemeal, and enter into partnership arrangements with different players in the region.

Special Education and the Risk of Becoming Less Educated in Germany and the United States. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 05.1, 13 December, 2004

Over the twentieth century, a growing group of students has been transferred into considerably expanded special education systems. These programs serve children with diagnosed impairments and disabilities and students with a variety of learning difficulties. Children and youth “with special educational needs” constitute a heterogeneous group with social, ethnic, linguistic, and physical disadvantages. An increasingly large percentage of those students at risk of leaving school without credentials participate in special education, a highly legitimated low status (and stigmatizing) school form. While most countries commit themselves to school integration or inclusive education to replace segregated schools and separate classes, cross-national and regional comparisons of special education’s diverse student bodies show considerable disparities in their (1) rates of classification, (2) provided learning opportunities, and (3) educational attainments. Analyzing special education demographics and organizational structures indicates which children and youth are most likely to grow up less educated and how educational systems distribute educational success and failure. Findings from a German-American comparison show that which students bear the greatest risk of becoming less educated depends largely on definitions of “special educational needs” and the institutionalization of special education systems.

Shall Tunisia Succeed in Becoming a Strong Democratic State? EUSpring Arab Citizenship Review No. 13, December 2015

From the Introduction. Arab revolutions have sparked real hopes for democracy, but the situation varies from one state to another and change has taken various directions, with unpredictable outcomes in the future. In light of current events, most of these countries seem to have failed in their democratic transition and also face the dissolution of their state apparatus in bloody civil wars. This leaves the door open to interpretations associating democracy with chaos. In this view, preserving post-colonial states – authoritarian in most cases – is better than having no state at all. This partially justified the coup that took place in Egypt, where the ‘Deep State’ has recovered its capabilities in a dictatorial manner. The Arab world thus faced an impasse: the state is either stable but authoritarian or democratic yet threatened with dissolution. The dilemma results in an impossible choice between stable dictatorship or freedom ending in chaos.

The power of language and the language of power in M. T. Anderson’s Feed and Gary Stheyngart’s Super Sad True Love Story. A comparative analysis

The aim of my dissertation is to analyze how selected elements of language are addressed in two contemporary dystopias, Feed by M. T. Anderson (2002) and Super Sad True Love Story by Gary Shteyngart (2010). I chose these two novels because language plays a key role in both of them: both are primarily focused on the pervasiveness of technology, and on how the use/abuse of technology affects language in all its forms. In particular, I examine four key aspects of language: books, literacy, diary writing, as well as oral language. In order to analyze how the aforementioned elements of language are dealt with in Feed and Super Sad True Love Story, I consider how the same aspects of language are presented in a sample of classical dystopias selected as benchmarks: We by Yevgeny Zamyatin (1921), Brave New World by Aldous Huxley (1932), Animal Farm (1945) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) by George Orwell, Fahrenheit 451 by Ray Bradbury (1952), and The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood (1986). In this way, I look at how language, books, literacy, and diaries are dealt with in Anderson’s Feed and in Shteyngart’s Super Sad True Love Story, both in comparison with the classical dystopias as well as with one another. This allows for an analysis of the similarities, as well as the differences, between the two novels. The comparative analysis carried out also takes into account the fact that the two contemporary dystopias have different target audiences: one is for young adults (Feed), whereas the other is for adults (Super Sad True Love Story). Consequently, I also consider whether further differences related to target readers affect differences in how language is dealt with. Preliminary findings indicate that, despite their different target audiences, the linguistic elements considered are addressed in the two novels in similar ways.