Castles in the sand: Mali and the demise of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. CEPS Commentary, 28 January 2013

The threat posed by the crisis in Mali is direct, multidimensional and without regard to geographical proximity or historical and colonial heritage, writes Giovanni Faleg. France’s solitary intervention in Mali and the EU’s absence there raise two important questions for the future of the EU’s supposedly ‘Common’ Security and Defence Policy. The first has to do with the crisis itself; its nature and the threat posed by the terrorist groups and militias that are being countered by French armed forces. The second concerns the causes and implications of yet another example of the EU’s inability to take responsibility for security matters in its neighbourhood and beyond.

La légalité de l'intervention militaire française au Mali : contribution à l’étude du cadre juridique de la lutte armée contre le terrorisme international

Mémoire récipiendaire de la mention "Excellent", avec les félicitations du jury.

L'expérience d'être parent d'un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé

L'hébergement d'un enfant polyhandicapé, c'est-à-dire un enfant présentant une association de déficience motrice et intellectuelle sévère et profonde, est existant au Québec et peu connu de la population. Jusqu’à maintenant, les savoirs sur l’hébergement pédiatrique et l’expérience des parents sont peu nombreux et ne permettent pas de guider le développement d’interventions infirmières adaptées aux besoins des parents. Pour pallier cette situation, une étude d’inspiration phénoménologique a été effectuée afin d’explorer la signification de l’expérience d’être parent d’un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé en établissement de longue durée pédiatrique. Sept entretiens semi-structurés individuels ont été réalisés avec le parent d’un enfant polyhandicapé hébergé dans un établissement pédiatrique de la grande région montréalaise. Afin d’adopter une vision systémique et contextuelle au domaine des sciences infirmières, l’approche systémique familiale selon le modèle de Calgary (Wright & Leahey, 2013) a été utilisée comme cadre de référence. Cette étude d’inspiration phénoménologique a permis de faire émerger trois thèmes quant au phénomène à l’étude, soit : a) héberger son enfant : une décision difficile à accepter, b) la signification de l’hébergement : une expérience tant positive que négative et c) la réappropriation du rôle de parent. Cette étude novatrice permet de fournir des résultats inédits sur l’expérience d’être parent d’un enfant gravement handicapé hébergé. Ils permettent aussi de mettre en évidence les sentiments des parents, leurs impressions et l’adaptation de leur rôle parental lorsque leur enfant est hébergé. Ces résultats pourront influencer ou guider les infirmières dans l’application quotidienne d’interventions familiales adaptées et personnalisées au besoin des parents vivant une situation semblable.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.