Região, território e planejamento estatal: planejamento plurianual e desenvolvimento regional

O presente trabalho tem a intenção de analisar as discussões em torno da dimensão territorial no planejamento estatal. Essas discussões não são recentes, elas emergiram no cenário nacional em decorrência também das questões relacionadas a um conjunto de fatores que surgem como imposição do processo de acumulação flexível e globalizado, que busca produzir espaços homogêneos. Nesse momento o próprio papel do Estado, enquanto promotor do desenvolvimento é redefinido, alterando assim, sua relação de poder na produção do espaço, estabelecendo com isso, uma correlação de força com a sociedade. Todavia as questões que envolvem o planejamento recente no Brasil passam pela resolução de pontos cruciais, que estão diretamente ligadas às estratégias de intervenção do Estado a partir de uma lógica territorializada, que em primeiro lugar tem a região como ponto de partida. Nessa perspectiva se faz necessário pensar conceito de região e de território inseridos na dinâmica de planejamento territorial/regional. A tese apresentada neste trabalho demonstra que mesmo havendo um intenso esforço na elaboração dos PPAs e, consequentemente, dos planos e programas a eles ligados, no que se refere à introdução de um “moderno” planejamento público, a partir da introdução da concepção de território e demais instrumentos de execução e avaliação, quando se analisa o orçamento-programa percebe-se que os mesmos seguem outra lógica regionalizada de alocação de recursos, obedecendo a Constituição Federal, tanto no que se refere aos programas finalísticos, quanto ao de apoio às políticas públicas e áreas especiais. Assim, o orçamento segue uma dinâmica regionalizada, enquanto os planos e programas seguem uma dinâmica territorial. Enquanto o orçamento-programa estabelece a alocação de recursos seguindo o critério de divisão regional do IBGE – que divide o Brasil em cinco regiões. Os estudos da Dimensão Territorial para o Planejamento que orientam os PPAs, destacando, principalmente o 2008 – 2011 buscam estabelecer programas de desenvolvimento a partir da criação de inúmeros territórios. Passando assim, a desenvolver um sério problema na dinâmica do planejamento público brasileiro, que é o descompasso entre Plano – Orçamento – Programa, negando, com isso, a concepção de integração presente nos mesmos.

Qualidade de vida em Porto Velho, Rondônia: perspectivas do processo de desenvolvimento regional

Esta tese de doutorado nasceu da escassez de estudos referentes aos efeitos das grandes obras, sobre a qualidade de vida das cidades. Nesse sentido, visando estudar exatamente esse problema dentro de um cenário amazônico, propôs-se pesquisar os efeitos das usinas hidrelétricas de Jirau e de Santo Antônio, em seu processo de construção, às margens do rio Madeira, em Rondônia e, assim, analisar a qualidade de vida dentro do perímetro urbano da cidade de Porto Velho, o que constituiu o objeto de estudo da presente investigação. Para tanto, buscou-se aporte na teoria do “Fetiche”, de Marx, na obra “O capital” (1980). Assim, procurou-se explicar a migração de trabalhadores, na busca por melhores salários e oportunidades de ganhos econômicos, nas obras das hidrelétricas mencionadas. A perspectiva teórica do “fetichismo da mercadoria”, de Marx (1967), desencadeou a inter-relação com os aspectos diretamente ligados ao âmago da presente tese, que se constitui numa Pesquisa de natureza qualitativa. Essa foi desenvolvida com base no método de Análise Fatorial, utilizando o programa estatístico SPSS, versão 17. Para isso, foram aplicados 1.449 questionários, distribuídos igualitariamente, em grupos de 21, para cada um dos 69 bairros da cidade. E, dessa forma, construir os índices de IQVU (índices de qualidade de vida urbana), segundo Santos e Martins (2002) e, para análises multifatoriais, de acordo com Hair et al. (2005) e com Santana (2007; 2005). A partir disso, os resultados obtidos permitiram concluir que o índice de qualidade de vida de Porto Velho, no período correspondente à fase anterior a chegada das usinas, à região, era de 0,452. Portanto, classificado como um índice de desempenho regular. Em relação à fase atual, esse índice apresentou uma queda de 15,31%, alcançando um valor de 0,392. Por consequência, considerado de ruim desempenho. Desse modo, permitiu-se concluir que a qualidade de vida de Porto Velho, conforme a opinião dos entrevistados, literalmente, piorou com a chegada das usinas hidrelétricas do rio Madeira, em Porto Velho/Rondônia. A relevância do presente estudo reside na análise do espaço intramunicipal e na integração dos dados provenientes da pesquisa de campo, com a informação gerada durante as análises. Isto levou a deduções lógicas, fundamentadas nos critérios adotados e decorrentes dos resultados das avaliações. Consequentemente, esse poderá servir como suporte às decisões políticas, sobre o planejamento de ações a serem executadas, para gestão do território no âmbito municipal.

Desenvolvimento regional e meio ambiente: desafios para a construção da região metropolitana de Bogotá (Colômbia)

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Competitividade inter-regional de sistemas de produção de bovinocultura de corte

O trabalho apresenta uma metodologia de avaliação de sistemas de produção através da mensuração da competitividade interna na bovinocultura de corte. Durante o primeiro trimestre de 2010, foram aplicados 65 questionários com pecuaristas, sendo 36 entrevistas na Região Sul (Estado do Rio Grande do Sul) e 29 na Região Norte (Estados do Pará e Rondônia). Foram definidos os principais direcionadores que afetam a competitividade interna - tecnologia, gestão, relações de mercado e ambiente institucional, sendo atribuído um peso específico para cada direcionador, a fim de obter o índice de competitividade. Os resultados foram analisados estatisticamente pela teoria de resposta ao item e pela análise de correspondência (ANACOR) com o software SPSS®. A Região Sul apresentou uma maior competitividade que a Região Norte. Independente da região, os fatores críticos de competitividade foram: integração lavoura-pecuária, planejamento estratégico, cálculo de indicadores financeiros, formação de preços, acesso a inovações tecnológicas e organização dos produtores.

O enfoque da Ciência da Informação no contributo ao desenvolvimento sustentável regional: O caso do arquivo da ACIM

The archival institutions should for the elevation of the statistical indices of social and economic to integrate with sustainable development yours communities through regional entrepreneurship and improving informational. The Commerce and Industry Association of Marília (ACIM) archive provided to analyze the influence of the files on regional growth to development sustainable of industries and trade. The management theory and archives processes, set up data to create a model template guiding sustainable which suggested the results provided for: Transparency in the processes; global and local integration; culture and collaboration of the community; physical and human factors; improvement for work management and; to utilized to generate the economy of the ecosystem as a form of natural resources.

Historiografia da inserção do Brasil no regime internacional de acumulação nas eras FHC e Lula: do regional ao multilateral

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

A nova política nacional de desenvolvimento regional: uma análise sobre as estratégias de desenvolvimento territorial para o Brasil

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

A regional environmental accounting matrix and integrated environmental economic analyses to support regional planning

This research deals with the deepening and use of an environmental accounting matrix in Emilia-Romagna, RAMEA air emissions (regional NAMEA), carried out by the Regional Environment Agency (Arpa) in an European project. After a depiction of the international context regarding the widespread needing to integrate economic indicators and go beyond conventional reporting system, this study explains the structure, update and development of the tool. The overall aim is to outline the matrix for environmental assessments of regional plans, draw up sustainable reports and monitor effects of regional policies in a sustainable development perspective. The work focused on an application of a Shift-Share model, on the integration with eco-taxes, industrial waste production, energy consumptions, on applications of the extended RAMEA as a policy tool, following Eurostat guidelines. The common thread is the eco-efficiency (economic-environmental efficiency) index. The first part, in English, treats the methodology used to build a more complete tool; in the second part RAMEA has been applied on two regional case studies, in Italian, to support decision makers regarding Strategic Environmental Assessments’ processes (2001/42/EC). The aim is to support an evidence-based policy making by integrating sustainable development concerns at all levels. The first case study regards integrated environmental-economic analyses in support to the SEA of the Regional Waste management plan. For the industrial waste production an extended and updated RAMEA has been developed as a useful policy tool, to help in analysing and monitoring the state of environmental-economic performances. The second case study deals with the environmental report for the SEA of the Regional Program concerning productive activities. RAMEA has been applied aiming to an integrated environmental-economic analysis of the context, to investigate the performances of the regional production chains and to depict and monitor the area where the program should be carried out, from an integrated environmental-economic perspective.

Integration of MFA and LCA methodologies: the anthropogenic aluminium cycle in Italy

MFA and LCA methodologies were applied to analyse the anthropogenic aluminium cycle in Italy with focus on historical evolution of stocks and flows of the metal, embodied GHG emissions, and potentials from recycling to provide key features to Italy for prioritizing industrial policy toward low-carbon technologies and materials. Historical trend series were collected from 1947 to 2009 and balanced with data from production, manufacturing and waste management of aluminium-containing products, using a ‘top-down’ approach to quantify the contemporary in-use stock of the metal, and helping to identify ‘applications where aluminium is not yet being recycled to its full potential and to identify present and future recycling flows’. The MFA results were used as a basis for the LCA aimed at evaluating the carbon footprint evolution, from primary and electrical energy, the smelting process and the transportation, embodied in the Italian aluminium. A discussion about how the main factors, according to the Kaya Identity equation, they did influence the Italian GHG emissions pattern over time, and which are the levers to mitigate it, it has been also reported. The contemporary anthropogenic reservoirs of aluminium was estimated at about 320 kg per capita, mainly embedded within the transportation and building and construction sectors. Cumulative in-use stock represents approximately 11 years of supply at current usage rates (about 20 Mt versus 1.7 Mt/year), and it would imply a potential of about 160 Mt of CO2eq emissions savings. A discussion of criticality related to aluminium waste recovery from the transportation and the containers and packaging sectors was also included in the study, providing an example for how MFA and LCA may support decision-making at sectorial or regional level. The research constitutes the first attempt of an integrated approach between MFA and LCA applied to the aluminium cycle in Italy.

Regional origin and decrease of pain in patients with depressive symptoms under treatment with venlafaxine

Patient's language, tradition, conventions, and customs may all determine integration into a society and are also part of the doctor-patient relationship that influences diagnostic and therapeutic outcome. Language barrier and sociocultural disparity of Eastern and Southern European patients may hamper recovery from pain and depression compared to Middle European patients in Switzerland.

Central Europeans towards Integration with the European Union: A Study of Public Opinion, Social Attitudes and National Identities

Since the turbulence of 1989, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have striven to "return to Europe". Agreements have been signed with ten post-communist countries, beginning in 1991 with Czechoslovakia (before its division), Hungary and Poland. Since that time several countries have expressed a desire to become members of the EU. In 1997 the European Commission announced its opinion on the applications for EU membership of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and seven other applicant countries. The Commission recommended the commencement of negotiations on accession with the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. Mr. Kucia's report, presented in the form of a series of manuscripts totalling 91 pages, written in English and Polish and including many pages of tables and graphs, presents the results of a study of public opinion on European integration in four countries of Central Europe (CE): the Czech Republic (CZ), Hungary (H), Poland (PL), and Slovakia (SK). The research results are primarily based on a public-opinion survey known as the Central and Eastern Eurobarometer (CEEB). CEEB has been conducted on behalf of the European Commission in the Central and Eastern European countries each year in autumn since 1990. Below is a very small selection of Mr. Kucia's research findings. Throughout the 90s people in the four countries increasingly saw their countries' future tied up with the EU, since economic and political connections to the EU were growing and prospects for EU membership were increasing. Regional co-operation within CE did not gain much popular recognition. However, initially high levels of enthusiasm for the EU were gradually superseded by a more realistic approach or even scepticism. Poland was the exception in this respect; its population was more positive about the EU in 1996 than ever before. Mr. Kucia concludes that, since the political "elites" in CE are more positive about the EU than the people they serve, they should do their best to bring people round to their beliefs, lest the project of European integration become purely the business of the elites, as Mr. Kucia claims it has been in the EU up till now. He accuses the governments of the region, the EU authorities and the media of failing to provide appropriate information, especially about the two subjects which most affect them, association with the EU and the PHARE assistance programme. Respondents were asked to rank in order the countries or regions they saw their country's future most closely tied up with. In the period 92-96 the EU received the highest ratings in all of CE. The ratings were highest in CZ in 92 and 93 (46%) and in Poland in 96 (46%). They were the lowest in Hungary (22% in 94). After the EU came "Other Western European countries (non EU)", that is Austria, Sweden and Finland (before they joined the EU in 1995), Switzerland and Norway. Mr. Kucia puts the high ratings of these countries down to historical connections and geographical proximity, particularly in the case of Austria. The USA always came second in Poland, and in Hungary too its standing has always been higher than in CZ or SK. Indeed Mr. Kucia suggests that the USA's standing is disproportionately low in especially the CZ. Germany was nominated frequently by Hungarians, though in the CZ and SK, figures have been consistently low (1-2%). "Other CE/EE countries" increased their ratings in all of CE except Poland between 92 and 96. With regard to these last figures, Mr. Kucia makes an interesting note. Assuming that for the respondents in the four countries this category covered the Visegrad 4, least support was found in Poland, whose government was the most in favour of close political co-operation within the V4, while most support was in evidence in CZ and SK, for whose governments V4 was simply not a priority. Again, there is evidence of a divide between the political elites and the people. Russia has occupied a consistently modest rank. It was the highest in PL, fairly low in H and SK and the lowest in CZ. The Slovak government's policy of closer ties with Russia is reflected in a growth in the figures from 2% in 93 to 6% in 95. Every year the spontaneous answer "we should depend on ourselves" appeared, which Mr. Kucia interprets as either a sign of isolationism and disillusionment or as a call for self-reliance. Unfortunately he regards both these tendencies as unfeasible in the uniting Europe. Moving to more general conclusions, Mr. Kucia finds that the concept "Central Europe" does not have much meaning for Central Europeans. He believes that this is probably due to the failure to establish a viable regional co-operation network. Group discussions also revealed that people thought themselves European as a consequence of being Czech or Polish etc. Thus European identity is based on national identities. Generally within the surveyed period, the numbers of those who said they often think themselves European decreased, while the numbers of those who said they never think themselves European increased from 41% in PL, 36% in CZ, and 30% in H in 1990, to 67% in CZ, 58% in PL, and 51% in H in 1995.

United we stand, divided we fall: a meta-analysis of experiments on clonal integration and its relationship to invasiveness

Fragmentation and vegetative regeneration from small fragments may contribute to population expansion, dispersal and establishment of new populations of introduced plants. However, no study has systematically tested whether a high capacity of vegetative regeneration is associated with a high degree of invasiveness. For small single-node fragments, the presence of internodes may increase regeneration capacity because internodes may store carbohydrates and proteins that can be used for regeneration. We conducted an experiment with 39 stoloniferous plant species to examine the regeneration capacity of small, single-node fragments with or without attached stolon internodes. We asked (1) whether the presence of stolon internodes increases regeneration from single-node fragments, (2) whether regeneration capacity differs between native and introduced species in China, and (3) whether regeneration capacity is positively associated with plant invasiveness at a regional scale (within China) and at a global scale. Most species could regenerate from single-node fragments, and the presence of internodes increased regeneration rate and subsequent growth and/or asexual reproduction. Regeneration capacity varied greatly among species, but showed no relationship to invasiveness, either in China or globally. High regeneration capacity from small fragments may contribute to performance of clonal plants in general, but it does not appear to explain differences in invasiveness among stoloniferous clonal species.