999 resultados para Political actions
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OBJECTIVEUnderstanding nursing actions in the practice of inpatient advocacy in a burn unit.METHODA single and descriptive case study, carried out with nurses working in a referral burn center in southern Brazil. Data were collected through focus group technique, between February and March 2014, in three meetings. Data was analysed through discursive textual analysis.RESULTSThree emerging categories were identified, namely: (1) instructing the patient; (2) protecting the patient; and (3) ensuring the quality of care.CONCLUSIONSThis study identified that the nurses investigated exercised patient advocacy and that the recognition of their actions is an advance for the profession, contributing to the autonomy of nurses and the effectiveness of patients' rights and social justice.
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AbstractOBJECTIVEAnalyzing beliefs and actions of nurses in exercising patient advocacy in a hospital context.METHODA quantitative cross-sectional exploratory and descriptive study, conducted with 153 nurses from two hospitals in southern Brazil, one public and one philanthropic, by applying Protective Nursing Advocacy Scale - Brazilian version. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and analysis of variance.RESULTSNurses believe they are advocating for patients in their workplaces, and agree that they should advocate, especially when vulnerable patients need their protection. Personal values and professional skills have been identified as major sources of support for the practice of advocacy.CONCLUSIONNurses do not disagree nor agree that advocating for patients in their working environments can bring them negative consequences. It is necessary to recognize how the characteristics of public and private institutions have helped or not helped in exercising patient advocacy by nurses.
Opportunistic screening actions for breast cancer performed by nurses working in primary health care
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Abstract OBJECTIVE To identify opportunistic screening actions for breast cancer performed by nurses working in primary health care units in Ribeirão Preto, São Paulo. METHOD Cross-sectional study with 60 nurses from 28 units, who had been working for at least one year in the public municipal health care network. Data were collected between December 2013 and March 2014, by means of a questionnaire, using descriptive analysis and the software IBM SPSS version 20 and Microsoft Excel 2010. RESULTS The results showed that 71.7% of the participants questioned their female patients as for risk factors for breast cancer, mainly during nursing consultation; 70.0% oriented users about the age to perform clinical breast exam, whereas 30.0% did not due to lack of knowledge and time; 60.0% explained about the age to perform mammogram; 73.3% did not refer patients with suspicious breast exam results to the referral department, citing scheduling as the main obstacle to referral. Educational activities were not performed by 78.3% of participants. CONCLUSION Investment is needed in professional training and management of breast cancer screening.
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This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effect of exposure to political violence on humancapital accumulation. I exploit the variation in conflict location and birth cohorts to identify the longandshort-term effects of the civil war on educational attainment. Conditional on being exposed toviolence, the average person accumulates 0.31 less years of education as an adult. In the short-term,the effects are stronger than in the long-run; these results hold when comparing children within thesame household. Further, exposure to violence during early childhood leads to permanent losses. I alsoexplore the potential causal mechanisms.
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This paper formalizes in a fully-rational model the popular idea that politiciansperceive an electoral cost in adopting costly reforms with future benefits and reconciles it with the evidence that reformist governments are not punished by voters.To do so, it proposes a model of elections where political ability is ex-ante unknownand investment in reforms is unobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politiciansmake too little reforms in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reappointment probability. Although in a rational expectation equilibrium voters cannotbe fooled and hence reelection does not depend on reforms, the strategy of underinvesting in reforms is nonetheless sustained by out-of-equilibrium beliefs. Contrary tothe conventional wisdom, uncertainty makes reforms more politically viable and may,under some conditions, increase social welfare. The model is then used to study howpolitical rewards can be set so as to maximize social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of this theory are consistentwith a number of empirical regularities on the determinants of reforms and reelection.They are also consistent with a new stylized fact documented in this paper: economicuncertainty is associated to more reforms in a panel of 20 OECD countries.
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Electoral institutions that encourage citizens to vote are widely used around the world. Yet littleis known about the effects of such institutions on voter participation and the composition of the electorate.In this paper, I combine a field experiment with a change in Peruvian voting laws to identify theeffect of monetary (dis-)incentives on voting. Using the random variation in the fine for abstention andan objective measure of turnout at the individual level, I estimate the elasticity of voting with respectto cost to be -0.21. Consistent with the theoretical model presented, the reduction in turnout inducedby the reduction in the fine is driven by voters who (i) are in the center of the political spectrum, (ii)are less interested in politics, and (iii) hold less political information. However, voters who respondto changes in the cost of abstention do not have different preferences for policies than those who voteregardless of the cost. Further, involvement in politics, as measured by the decision to acquire politicalinformation, seems to be independent of the level of the fine. Additional results indicate that thereduction in the fine does not affect the incidence of vote buying, but increases the price paid for avote.
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PURPOSE: The effects of β(2)-agonists on human skeletal muscle contractile properties, particularly on slow fibers, are unclear. Moreover, it remains to be ascertained whether central motor drive (CMD) during voluntary contractions could counter for eventual contractile alterations induced by β(2)-agonists. This study investigated central and peripheral neuromuscular adjustments induced by β(2)-agonist terbutaline on a predominantly slow human muscle, the soleus. METHODS: Ten recreationally active men ingested either a single dose of 8 mg of terbutaline or placebo in a randomized double-blind order (two experimental sessions). Isometric plantarflexion torque was measured during single and tetanic (10 and 100 Hz) stimulations as well as during submaximal and maximal voluntary contractions (MVC). Twitch peak torque and half-relaxation time were calculated. CMD was estimated via soleus electromyographic recordings obtained during voluntary contractions performed at approximately 50% MVC. RESULTS: MVC and twitch peak torque were not modified by terbutaline. Twitch half-relaxation time was 28% shorter after terbutaline administration compared with placebo (P < 0.001). Tetanic torques at 10 and 100 Hz were significantly lower after terbutaline intake compared with placebo (-40% and -24% respectively, P < 0.001). Despite comparable torque of submaximal voluntary contractions in the two conditions, CMD was 7% higher after terbutaline ingestion compared with placebo (P < 0.01). CONCLUSION: These results provide evidence that terbutaline modulates the contractility of the slow soleus muscle and suggest that the increased CMD during submaximal contractions may be viewed as a compensatory adjustment of the central nervous system to counter the weakening action induced by terbutaline on the contractile function of slow muscle fibers.
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What determined the volatility of asset prices in Germany between thewars? This paper argues that the influence of political factors has beenoverstated. The majority of events increasing political uncertainty hadlittle or no effect on the value of German assets and the volatility ofreturns on them. Instead, it was inflation (and the fear of it) that islargely responsible for most of the variability in asset returns.
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This paper reviews two recent books on Political Economy by Allan Drazen and Torsten Persson and Guido Tabellini. It discusses some problems of the recent Political Economy literature.