944 resultados para Military authority


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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

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This paper aims to show how letters, as a genre of literacy, are used in Karagwe in Tanzania, in relation to authority and secrecy. It is shown that literacy, in the form of letters, plays an important role in the negotiation of authority. Authorities as well as ordinary people use letters according to official norms to claim or manifest authority, while grassroots forms of literacy, dominated forms, are used to resist authorities. Through secret messages and letters people find opportunities to resist that are less dangerous than open rebellion, although the effects may be limited because of the secrecy. It is also shown how children are socialized into this pattern of secrecies through literacy as they are used as messengers. When delivering secret letters and messages, they may be said to exercise a passive voice through literacy.

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Failure to contemplate and define an appropriate role for the armed forces of the national government in domestic crises of this sort is a serious problem. It is all the more serious now as these potential crises seem to multiply in character and scope. This thesis will explore the history of this problem and its recent implications. It will argue the need for a comprehensive, operational framework, codified in law, which defines the various alternative uses of all emergency services, both civilian and military, and is applicable to “all hazards.” I will attempt to provide a blue-print for what such a framework should look like.

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De junho de 1893 a outubro de 1897 a comunidade do Belo Monte (Canudos, BA, Brasil), sob a liderança de Antônio Conselheiro, experimentou um crescimento demográfico na ordem de 10 335 %, na mais árida região da caatinga baiana e resistiu, durante 10 meses, a u desproporcional esforço de guerra, imposto por quase metade (49,8%) do efetivo do Exército brasileiro de então, apoiada por diversos batalhões das forças públicas dos Estados do Amazonas, Bahia, Pará e São Paulo, sob o comando de cinco oficiais generais, a elite da oficialidade da força terrestre nacional e, ao final do conflito, do próprio ministro da guerra, marechal Carlos Machado Bittencourt. A partir do reconhecimento desse episódio como fenômeno administrativo muito expressivo, ainda que de trágico destino, esta tese estudo os modelos de organização e de poder/autoridade que tornaram possível esse crescimento, o abastecimento e a defesa de Canudos em situação tão crítica. Na perspectiva de uma leitura institucional do imaginário social sobre o acontecimento, este estudo propõe o modelo de análise denominado Tetraedro Semioncológico da Organizações, e confronta os depoimentos colhidos entre descendentes dos sobreviventes da guerra com os relatos dos cronistas-testemunhas, estudiosos e os registros iconográficos, musicográficos e literário sobre o episódio.

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My purpose is to present some reflections about my experience in interviewing Brazilian military officers. Despite the specificity of the Brazilian case, I trust that these observations may serve as a comparative reference for the study of military institutions in other contexts.

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This article investigates the level of delegation in franchise chains, distinguishing the two most relevant franchising models: Business Format Franchising and Learning Network Franchising. The two models basically differ on the level of real authority (effective control over decisions) exercised by the franchisors. Differences in business features, such as the required standardization, monitoring costs and consumer sensitivity to variations in product attributes (consumer measurement costs), explain the adoption of the different models of franchising. These variables affect the trade-off between the risk of brand name loss and the gains in knowledge sharing and learning within the network. The higher the need for standardization, the higher is the risk of brand name loss, and, consequently, the more likely the franchisor will adopt an organizational design that confers more control over franchisees’ decisions, such as business format franchising. This paper presents two case studies with Brazilian food franchise chains that illustrate the main argument and suggest additional propositions. Moreover, an empirical analysis of 223 franchise chains provides additional support to the hypothesis of a negative the effect of required standardization on the level of delegation.

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O objetivo deste trabalho foi aprofundar a compreensão do modelo de coordenação informal no Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais da Polícia Militar do Estado do Rio de Janeiro - BOPE/RJ, uma unidade policial de operações especiais. Numa primeira etapa, conduzimos uma análise bibliográfica e documental sobre a confiança e seus antecedentes, tomando como base estudos anteriores realizados nesta unidade. Posteriormente, realizamos uma análise quantitativa, utilizando um banco de dados existente, fruto de esforços de pesquisa anteriores quando foi aplicado um questionário para os policiais desta unidade. Ao final de nossas análises, confirmamos a existência de uma relação direta e negativa entre distância de poder e confiança profissional no líder, ou seja, quanto maior a distância de poder, menor é a confiança profissional no líder. Comprovamos também que, quanto maior a percepção de acessibilidade, confiabilidade e transparência da informação compartilhada com os membros de uma equipe, maior é a confiança pessoal no líder. Além disso, quanto maior a percepção de compartilhamento e delegação de autoridade no processo de decisão do BOPE/RJ maior a confiança pessoal no líder.

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This work seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the Abdication, analyzing how and why sections of the army joined the liberal groups against the emperor, focusing on the period that immediately preceded this event. The argument is that the alliance between sections of the army and the liberal groups in 1831 was possible because the expansion of the "public space" in the city of Rio de Janeiro, a process in which newspapers such as "O Republico" played a key role as they became a privileged locus for political disputes. The article shows that that newspaper helped to build a political identity based on the defense of Brazilian interests against Portuguese despotism, giving momentum to internal conflicts around this subject that were already taking place among sections of the army and hence triggering the process that would lead to the Abdication.

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It was studied the trapezius muscle and serratus anterior muscle in 24 male volunteers using a 2-channel TECA TE 4 electromyograph and Hewlett Packard surface electrodes, during the execution of four different modalities of military press exercises with open grip. The results showed that TS acted significantly in the modalities standing and sitting press behind neck, while SI acted in all the modalities, i.e., standing and sitting press behind neck and forward, justifying their inclusion as basic exercises for physical conditioning programmes.

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Electromyographic activity of the trapezius muscle and serratus anterior muscle was analysed in 4 different modalities of military press exercises, each of them with 2 grips: open and middle. It was analyzed 24 male volunteers using a 2-channel TECA TE 4 electromyograph and Hewlett Packard surface electrodes. The TS and SI muscles acted with high and very high activity in all the modalities of military press exercises. Statistically, they did not show significative difference in the performance of the exercises with open and middle grip, justifying the inclusion of this group of exercises with both grips for the physical conditioning programmes.

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Electromyographic activity of the trapezius muscle and serratus anterior muscle was analysed in 24 male volunteers using a 2-channel TECA TE 4 electromyograp, during the execution of four different modalities of military press exercises with middle grip. The trapezius acted preferentially in the modalities standing press behind neck; and sitting forward and press behind neck, while SI did not show any significative difference among the modalities. The high levels of action potentials with which TS and SI acted justify the inclusion of these exercises in physical programmes.