Analysis of the European Union's performance as an international mediator in the South Caucasus with respect to peace building in the region : ENP and conflict resolution in the South Caucasus

Magdeburg, Univ., Fak. für Geistes-, Sozial- und Erziehungswiss., Diss., 2009

An instrumental analysis of the European Union's capability to act in conflict response

Descripció i anàlisi dels instruments polítics, econòmics, civils i militars de la Unió Europea per enfrontar qualsevol conflicte.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU´s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ‘Europeanising’ Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission’s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called “best European practices” in police matters.

Are Dictators Immune to Human Rights Shaming?

This paper examines whether human rights naming and shaming destabilizes the rule of authoritarian leaders. We argue that human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic leaders by signaling international disapproval to elites in the targeted country, increasing their capacity to replace the incumbent. In personalist regimes, shaming increases the risk of irregular exit because regime elite do not have a means to peacefully replace the incumbent. Shaming campaigns also decrease foreign aid and international trade in personalist regimes, denying the leader access to resources to pay his coalition – further destabilizing his rule. In non-personalist regimes where parties or the military allow elites to peacefully replace incumbents, human rights shaming increases the risk of regular turnover of power, but has little effect on the risk of irregular exit or international flows of aid and trade. These findings have implications for understanding when and where shaming campaigns are likely to reduce or deter repression.

The Role of the European Union in the Processes to Ban Cluster Munitions

At the end of 2008 the Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM) that outlawed almost all types of cluster munitions was signed. It was the product of the so-called Oslo process, which had been set up two years earlier as a reaction to the failure to add a new protocol banning cluster munitions to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW). The position of the EU in these two processes was ambivalent: on the one hand it belonged to the strongest proponents for a new protocol within the CCW, but on the other hand the member states were in general not able to act jointly in the Oslo Process. According to this working paper especially the aspect of national security and the related relationship to the United States influenced the stances of many member states and complicated the formation of a common European position. There were common normative values of the EU detected, which played a role in the CCW, but they were only secondary to other interests of the member states.

Cultural relativism in the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council

This Working Paper aims to offer an up-to-date list of cultural relativist players and arguments with respect to human rights, constituted by China, Viet Nam, Myanmar, Iran, Pakistan, Yemen, Syria, Malaysia and Cuba. This working paper argues that Indonesia, Iraq, Colombia and Mexico are not in the same cultural relativist group of states maintained by renowned scholars, notably Cristina Cerna and Dianne Otto. As such, apart from this form of cultural relativism based on the respect for the self-determination of indigenous peoples and communities, this working paper exposes two different categories of radical cultural relativism based on revolutionary discourse and/or radical Islamism, as well as targets the credibility on the latter two based on the information facilitated by the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council (HRC) Universal Periodic Review (UPR).

Nanomaterials in the European Union [the quest for a regulatory regime]

Mentre que les nanotecnologies s'espera que porti beneficis importants en molts sectors i contribuir a la competitivitat, hi ha un creixent cos de dades científiques que indiquin que hi ha motius raonables per témer que els nanomaterials en particular pot donar lloc a els possibles riscos i efectes nocius per a la salut i el medi ambient. El meu objectiu és examinar com la Unió Europea està donant forma a un règim regulatori per nanomaterials: l'opció regulatòria escollida, la legislació vigent aplicable i la seva eficàcia (amb especial atenció sobre REACH buits normatius), la posició adoptada per la els diferents actors en aquest procés i l'evolució prevista legal en el curt termini.

The EU as a foreign policy actor – should human rights really be promoted in China?

La UE promou les seves normes i principis com els drets humans a tercers països també. en aquest document conceptualitza la UE en el seu poder normatiu i presenta la seva política de drets humans i alguns interpretacions alternatives dels drets humans. La qüestió de si, i en el qual el preu de la UE ha de promoure els drets humans a la Xina, tenint en compte diversos punts de conflicte i si es pot complir amb el seu paper d'un poder normatiu a la llum de diferents restriccions s'examinen. Finalment, és analitza el que això implica per a la realització limitada demanda original de la UE i el que un optimitzat. política de drets humans pot semblar

Report of the Department of Health and Children to the Oireachtas Under Section 2 (5) of the European Union (Scrutiny) Act, 2002 & Jan to June 2008

Report of the Department of Health and Children to the Oireachtas Under Section 2 (5) of the European Union (Scrutiny) Act, 2002 – Jan to June 2008 Under the terms of the European Union (Scrutiny Act) 2002, Ministers submit reports to the Oireachtas every six months on developments at European Union level in their area of responsibility. This report summarises the key legislative and policy developments during the first six months of 2008. Slovenia held the Presidency of the European Union during this period. Information on the Slovenian Presidency can be accessed at: Click here to download PDF

Department of Health and Children Six Monthly Report to the Oireachtas on Developments in the European Union July-December, 2008

Department of Health and Children Six Monthly Report to the Oireachtas on Developments in the European Union July-December, 2008 Click here to download PDF 119kb