Manuela, la impensable: un diálogo entre Amor y gloria: el romance de Manuela Sáenz y el Libertador Simón Bolívar (1952), de María Jesús Alvarado, y Manuela Sáenz, la divina loca (195?), de Olga Briceño (Estudios)

En este artículo se analiza el diálogo que establecen las intelectuales latinoamericanas con la Historia oficial por medio de determinadas ficciones de archivo publicadas en la década de 1950. Al respecto, es importante tener en cuenta que tras la adquisición de derechos civiles por parte de las mujeres latinoamericanas en las décadas de 1930 y 1940 –cuando conquistaron el derecho al voto, ingresaron masivamente a las universidades y se erigieron como posibles representantes de los intereses públicos–, las intelectuales del continente demandaron la adscripción a alguna genealogía histórica que les proporcionara coherencia y profundidad identitaria. En muchas ocasiones debieron echar mano del discurso literario para negociar su existencia presente con el pasado histórico y ampliar los límites de la fundación continental con la visibilización de las voces y subjetividades femeninas. En este marco se publican los dos libros que componen el corpus: Manuela Sáenz, la divina loca (195?), de la venezolana Olga Briceño, y Amor y gloria: el romance de Manuela Sáenz y el Libertador Simón Bolívar (1952), de la peruana María Jesús Alvarado. Estas lecturas permitirán reflexionar en torno al proceso de historización de la alteridad demandado por las nuevas ciudadanas del continente, determinar sus alcances y la subjetividad resultante de este enfrentamiento.

Budding Aphrodite: into the future

As with many aspects of antiquity, the more we discover about Aphrodite, the more we seek. Images of her or others in her guise are extensive; work over the last two hundred years provides important historical and archaeological contexts that connect the images with their creators and users. These contexts are now an important means of understanding Aphrodite’s divine personality or role(s) in various places and times. Although ancient attestation for her is sometimes less than for other goddesses, there is certainlymore post-antique evidence for her Nachleben— as herself, as Venus, or as an archetype or stereotype. Our comprehension is nonetheless complicated by the variety of ways she is perceived and received—in cult, art, and literature—up to the present.

Muses

The Muses are goddesses and teachers of divine wisdom evoked in dance, music, and poetry. Late sources suggest that they invented the alphabet (Diod. Sic. 7.74.1) and the arts and sciences (Anth. Lat. 1.1.88; 1.2.664).

What An Collins was reading

An Collins’s 1653 collection of poems, Divine Songs and Meditacions, contain all that we know about the writer. But in these poems she tells us much about the books that she had read, and about her indebtedness to the catechetical works of the Elizabethan puritan theologian William Perkins in particular.

La Faune marine dans le voyage de Saint brendan anglo-normand

Le Voyage de Saint Brendan présente un univers hybride, à la fois suffisamment réaliste pour y reconnaître des phénomènes scientifiquement vérifiables et profondément symbolique dans ses connotations. Les animaux marins qui y figurent ne sont en rien anthropomorphes, mais se démarquent aussi nettement de l'image donnée par les bestiaires, dans la mesure où leurs actions et caractéristiques ne sont pas en soi porteuses de sens. La faune aquatique est à la fois une menace et une présence protectrice, la providence divine déterminant de cas en cas la nature des rencontres entre moines et poissons, baleines et monstres marins. Ces bêtes sont en elles-mêmes moralement neutres, guidées par l'instinct; mais Benedeit exploite ce trait pour mettre en exergue la soumission de ces créatures à la volonté du Créateur, et leur importance pour Brendan et ses compagnons.

Breaking the Conventions : Shakespeare, the Fair Young Man and the Dark Lady

The aim of this essay is to show how Shakespeare’s sonnets violated and reversed the conventional ideas in terms of beauty and idealisation. Furthermore, I will examine the way Shakespeare presented his beloved woman as an absolute opposite of the one created by Petrarch, and how he shifted all the divine metaphors from a woman to a fair young man, creating a new object of praise and admiration.

Al-Mahdi - Gestalt och budskap : En litteraturstudie jämförande sudanesisk Mahdi och indisk Mahdi inom islam

Followers of three world religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are waiting for the Messiah. Muslims are even waiting for aspiritual leader al-Mahdi. Two different persons claimed the title of al-Mahdi, at the end of the nineteenth century. Theyappeared almost at the same time, at the totally different places of the earth, with a completely different message and underthe rule of the British colonial power. The aim of the study is to compare the both religious figures, Mirza Ghulam Ahmadfrom India and Muhammad Ahmad from Sudan regarding their different messages, to illustrate the social, political andreligious factors that lead to the entirely different profile and image of these two men and how their organizations havedeveloped after their death up till today. The result shows that the Sudanese Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad claimed hisMahdiship in the year 1881. He became a political leader in a time when Sudan was under the rule of a colonial power. Hetook advantage of the religion for personal purposes and tried to liberate his native country Sudan. The contemporaryMuslim clergy criticized him for his claim because the content of the Hadith traditions did not support his claim ofMahdiship. He maintained his sole right for the interpretation of religion and of the laws of Sharia. He made changes even inthe chief pillars of Islam by asserting that Jehad with sword was more imperative than the pilgrimage journey to Mecca. Heasserted that the Prophet Muhammad himself had entrusted him to launch the holy war against the non-believers. He hadimmense ambitions which were never fulfilled since he suddenly died four years after his claim for Mahdiship, in June 1885.This day his followers are organized as a political party in Sudan with a modest roll in the Sudanese politics. The IndianMahdi Mirza Ghulam Ahmad claimed in 1889 to be Mahdi, Mujaddid, Muhaddas, Messiah and a Prophet at a time of socialand political peace, though Islam as a religion was firmly pushed by the Hindu and Christian missionaries. He had no politicalambitions at all and was utterly loyal to the British colonial power. His mission was to crush the Cross and to demonstrateIslam’s excellence over all the religions of the world through overwhelming arguments. He proclaimed that Jesus was humanand a Prophet and not the son of God. Jesus survived from the cross and died a natural death after he had lived for manyyears. Ahmad claimed that God had commanded him to put stop to the religious wars. The contemporary Muslim clergyblamed him for being an imposter, melancholic and hypochondriac who had self invented the divine revelations. He died year1908, nineteen years after his claim and the communion he found is established today in more than hundred countries of theworld. Reasons for the breakdown of mission of the Sudanese Mahdi were that his objectives were political and he challengedthe colonial power with the sword. Another decisive factor was his sudden death merely four years after the beginning of hismission. Reasons for the success of Indian Mahdi were that his objectives were purely religious and he was wholly loyal to theforeign government. He survived nineteen years after the beginning of his mission which made it possible for him to create acommunion based on solid grounds. His followers continued on the same path and never engaged in local politics where everthey lived. For further studies it will be of great interest to study the life of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and objectively examine thearguments he presented in support of his divine appointment. Furthermore it is enriching to study the organization andactivities of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community to explore if they are in accordance with the basic principles of Ahmad.

The hand of God is over their hands (Q. 48:10) : on the notion of covenant in al-Ṭabarī’s account of Karbalāʾ

This article is an analysis of the story of the killing of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī at Karbalāʾ in 61/680, as it is presented by Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923). The main argument is that the notion of the divine covenant, which permeates the Qur’an, constitutes a framework through which al-Ṭabarī views this event. The Qur’anic idea of the covenant is read in structural/thematic continuity with the Hebrew Bible account of the covenant between Yahweh and the Hebrew people, which has, in turn, been traced back in its basic form to Late Bronze Era treaties between rulers and their vassals.   The present study focusses on four speeches ascribed to Ḥusayn during the encounter he and his group had with the vanguard of the Kūfan army led by al-Ḥurr. These are analysed in accordance with their use of Qur’anic covenant vocabulary. They are also categorised within the broader framework of the eight standard characteristics of Ancient West Asian and Biblical covenants, as presented by George Mendenhall and Gary Herion, which have recently been developed in a Qur’anic context by Rosalind Ward Gwynne. This article argues that al-Ṭabarī’s Karbalāʾ narrative presents the pact of loyalty to Ḥusayn as a clear extension of the divine covenant.

You Shall Have No Other Gods Before Me: Covenant in Faith and History

In this paper I have attempted to explore "covenant" in faith and history, as it extends throughout the entire framework of the Bible and the entire history of the people who produced it. With such a monstrous topic, a comprehensive analysis of the material could take a lifetime to do it justice. Therefore, I have taken a very specific approach to the material in order to investigate the evolution of covenant from the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament) to the Christian Scriptures (New Testament). I have made every effort to approach this thesis as a text-based, non-doctrinal discussion. However, having my own religious convictions, it has, at times, been difficult to recognize and escape my biases. Nevertheless, I am confident that this final product is, for the most part, objective and free from dogmatism. Of course, I have brought my own perspective and understanding to the material, which may be different from the reader's, so there may be matters of interpretation on which we differ, but c 'est fa vie in the world of religious dialogue. The structure of this paper is symmetrical: Part I examines the traditions of the Torah and the Prophets; Part II, the Gospels and Paul's letters. I have balanced the Old Testament against the New Testament (the Torah against the Gospels; the Prophets against Paul) in order to give approximately equal weight to the two traditions, and establish a sense of parallelism in the structure of my overall work. A word should also be said about three matters of style. First, instead of the customary Christian designation of time as B.C. or A.D., I have opted to use the more modem B.C.E. (Before the Common Era) and C.E. (Common Era) notations. This more recent system is less traditional; however, more acceptable in academic and, certainly, more appropriate for a non-doctrinal discussion. Second, in the body of this paper I have chosen to highlight several texts using a variety of colors. This highlighting serves (1) to call the reader's attention to specific passages, and (2) to compare the language and imagery of similar texts. All highlighting has been added to the texts at my own discretion. Finally, the divine name, traditionally vocalized as "Yahweh," is a verbal form of the Hebrew "to be," and means, approximately, "I am who I am." This name was considered too holy to pronounce by the ancient Israelites, and, the word adonai ("My LORD") was used in its stead. In respect of this tradition, I have left the divine name in its original Hebrew form. Accordingly, should be read as "the LORD" throughout this paper. All Hebrew and Greek translations, where they occur, are my own. The Greek translations are based on the New Revised Standard Version (NRSV) of the Bible.

Scriptural Archeology: Excavating the Presence of Women in the Torah

Women's roles in religious history have been traditionally described in terms of their relation and value to men. The normative religious texts provide an androcentric perspective on the gender relationships within the early community, the growth of Judaism in "Jacob's House" and the monotheistic worship of God. Yet these literary representations omit an entire half of the experience of the Jewish community: the perspective and participation of women. As Judith Plaskow argues extensively in Standing Again at Sinai, women are defined not in her own terms or in her own voice, but by her relationship and value to men through the androcentric vocabulary of the Torah. This statement is textually illustrated by the authorial and editorial presentation of women and their place in ancient Israelite society in the Torah. As Judaism grew increasingly androcentric in its leadership, women were increasingly reduced to marginal figures in the community by authorial and editorial revisions. Yet the participation of women of ancient Israel is not lost. Instead, the presence of women is buried beneath the androcentric presentation of the early Judaic community, waiting to be excavated by historical and scriptural examination. The retelling of the past is influenced by the present; memory is not static but takes on different shapes depending on the focus of concentration. However, tradition greatly influences the interpretation of religious history as well. In the book of Genesis, the literature emphasizes the divine appointment of male figures such as Abraham the father of the covenant and Jacob who is renamed and claimed by God as "Israel," placing them at the center of Jewish history. As a result, the other figures in these biblical narratives are described in relation to the patriarchs, those male bearers of the covenant, by their service or their value to him. Women are at the bottom of this hierarchy. Although female figures of exceptional quality are noted in later chronicles, such as Ruth, Deborah and Miriam, it is the very nature of their exception that highlights the androcentric editorial focus of the Torah. I agree with Peggy Day, whose own scriptural examination in Gender and Difference in Ancient Israel, makes the important distinction between the literary representation and the reality of ancient Israelite culture: they are not coextensive nor equivalent. Although the text represents the culture of ancient Israel as male dominated from the time of Abraham, this presentation omits the perspective of half of the population-the women. By beginning at the point of realization that women did exist and were active in their culture, and placing aside the androcentric perspective of the text and its editors, the reality of women's place in ancient Israel may be determined. Through this new perspective, the women of the Torah will emerge as the archetypes of strength, leadership and spiritual insight to provide Jewish women of the present with female, ancestral role models and a foundation for their gender's heritage, a more complete understanding of the partial record of Jewish history recorded in the Torah. Those stories that appear as the exception of women's presence will unveil an exceptional presence. As Tamar Frankiel eloquently states in The Voice of Sarah, "the women we call our 'Mothers'-Sarah, Rivkah (Rebekah), Rachel, and Leah-are not merely mothers, any more than the 'Fathers'-Abraham, Isaac and Jacob-are merely fathers "(Frankiel 5).

Intent and Method: A Study of Female Characters in Aeschylean and Euripidean Drama

Aeschylus and Euripides used tragic female characters to help fulfill the purpose of religious celebration and to achieve the motivation of public reaction. The playwrights, revising myths about tragic woman and redefining the Greek definition of appropriate femininity, supported or questioned the very customs which they changed. Originally composed as part of a religious festival for Dionysus, the god of wine, revelry and fertility, the tragedies of Aeschylus and Euripides were evaluated by Aristotle. He favored Aeschylus over Euripides, but it appears as if his stipulations for tragic characterization do not apply to Aeschylean and Euripidean women. Modem critics question both Aristotle's analysis in the Poetics as well as the tragedies which he evaluated. As part of the assessment of Aeschylus, the character of the Persian Queen, Atossa, appears as a conradiction the images that Greeks maintain of non-Greeks. The Persians is discussed in relation to modem criticisms and as on its function as a warning against radical changes in Athenian domestic life. The Oresteia, a trilogy, also charts the importance of an atypical woman in Aeschylean tragedy, and how this role, Clytaemnestra, represents an extreme example of the natural and necessary evolution of families, households and kingdoms. In contrast to Aeschylus' plea to retain nomoi (traditional custom and law), EUripides' tragedy, the Medea, demonstrates the importance of a family and a country to provide security, especially for women. Medea's abandonment by Jason and subsequent desperation drives her to commit murder in the hope of revenge. Ultimately, Euripides advocates changes in social convention away from the alienation of non-Greek, non-citizens, and females. Euripides is, unfortunately, tagged a misogynist by some in this tragedy and another example-the Hippolytus. Euripides' Phaedra becomes entangled in a scheme of divine vengeance and ultimately commits suicide in an attempt to avoid societal shame. Far from treatises of hate, Euripidean women take advantage of the little power they possess within a constrictive social system. While both Aeschylus and Euripides revise customary images and expectations of women in the context of religiously-motivated drama, one playwright intends to maintain civic order and the other intends to challenge the secular norm.

Da escala médica de saúde à experiência social do saudável :diálogo entre os espaços dos bares e das academias fisiculturistas na cidade do Natal-RN

Currently, we attend a reverence of concepts ahead as health, life, youth and body. In we widen amount the ideals concerned to the healthful life, to the quality of life, the longevity and joviality and the extremities of the body represented by the illness, for the virus infection, the physical deficiency and the aging. Of the historical shades of the plague, of the hunger and the war that gagged the defenseless individual and its body, in the current days we increase the search for a full and powerful life, independent of a religious imaginary to predict the epidemic curse, the threat represented for the sick people and the incarnate divine anger in the death; or of medical science presented in the spaces of the technology and the physiology, being left fragile the social and psychological dimensions of the human confined to the patient issue and, finally, the commanded urban health politics in quantitative goals of hygienic cleaning, of the medical techniques and the education citizen. For beyond these instances, emerges in our days a plural, close and biographical agreement well of the body and welfare. On the other hand, an understanding of the healthful life and well-being that more certifies the presence of something the one that clear landmarks amongst normality and the irregularity, the esteem and the destructive vice: it has a projection of healthful life measures without conceptual models of body and health under the doctor-scientific standard occidental. This thematic one will confide in way to the enclosure for spaces to the muscles and fitness exercises and the bars from the city of Natal, in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil, while comprehensive interchange concerning as the individual comes dealing with the notion the body and health and, mainly, if perceiving inside of its body and its health. Amongst these two spaces of typical leisure of the modern urban phenomenon, the hedonism bodily with its muscles and salience and one another form of hedonism in the fruition of allowed drugs will be across itself in a dialogue about which social s relationships are really in game in an imaginary construction amongst an doctor-aesthetic ideal of health and the social and subjective experience in the option for a healthful life

Antonin artaud: a crueldade pelos desenhos e autorretratos

Antonin Artaud, a name that reminds us of areas ranging from theater to poetry, linguistics to psychoanalysis, is a multipurpose name that transits as poet, painter, writer, actor, screenwriter, playwright and theater director. Artaud s route is raw material for researchers of various hues interested in a life and work that allows panning in different fields of knowledge. It raises the question of language and manipulation of signals in terms of magical forces and the relationship maintained through them with the cosmos and the divine. Artaud searches through a language of signals, gestures and objects that express themselves by objective forms and the use of words as solid objects. For him, the language of words must give way to the language of signals, whose objective aspect is what strikes us most immediately. Our work indicates the possibility of realization and recognition of the aesthetic of cruelty present in the writing drawings of artaudian s work, realizing thus, that art as a record of culture hence as double of life allows us a more critical and transforming look to the society, thinking about the aesthetics of cruelty as Artaud proposes and thinks cruelty: as appetite for life. Our dialogue held during the construction of this journey has the company, besides the one of Antonin Artaud, other authors such as Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, among others which, during the hike and framing of this route help us to think about the aesthetics of cruelty in an Artaudian perspective