942 resultados para Cold War.
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The Baseline Environmental Management Report (Baseline Report) is an analytical tool to help guide the Departmental decisions and provide an accounting of the Department's progress, spending, and plans. In addition to illustrating the assumed path forward, the 1996 Baseline Report presents policy analyses that examine the consequences of modifying key program assumptions.
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From the monarchical terror of the Middle Ages to the mangled Europe of the Twenty-first Century, A People's History of Modern Europe tracks the history of the continent through the deeds of those whom mainstream history tries to forget. Europe provided the perfect conditions for a great number of political revolutions from below. The German peasant wars of Thomas Müntzer, the bourgeoisie revolutions of the eighteenth century through to the rise of the industrial worker in England and the turbulent journey of the Russian Soviets, the role of the European working class throughout the Cold War, students in 1968 and through to the present day, where we continue to fight to forge an alternative to the barbaric economic system. With sections focusing on the role of women, this history sweeps away the tired platitudes of the privileged which our current understanding is based upon, and provides an opportunity to see our history differently.
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'Risk Criticism: Reading in an Age of Manufactured Uncertainties' is a study of literary and cultural responses to global environmental risk that offers an environmental humanities approach to understanding risk in an age of unfolding ecological catastrophe. In 2015, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists re-set its iconic Doomsday Clock to three minutes to midnight, as close to the apocalypse as it has been since 1953. What pushed its hands was, however, not just the threat of nuclear weapons, but also other global environmental risks that the Bulletin judged to have risen to the scale of the nuclear, including climate change and innovations in the life sciences. If we may once have believed that the end of days would come in a blaze of nuclear firestorm (or the chill of the subsequent nuclear winter), we now suspect that the apocalypse may be much slower, creeping in as chemical toxin, climate change, or bio- or nano- technologies run amok. Taking inspiration from the questions raised by the Bulletin’s synecdochical “nuclear,” 'Risk Criticism' aims to generate a hybrid form of critical practice that brings “nuclear criticism”—a subfield of literary studies that has been, since the Cold War, largely neglected—into conversation with ecocriticism, the more recent approach to environmental texts in literary studies. Through readings of novels, films, theater, poetry, visual art, websites, news reports, and essays, 'Risk Criticism' tracks the diverse ways in which environmental risks are understood and represented today.
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"November 26, 28 and 30, 1990"--Pt. 1.
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Includes indexes.
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O presente trabalho tem por finalidade apresentar uma contribuição teórica para os estudos de defesa, tendo como objeto de análise os livros brancos e também demais documentos oficiais relacionados ao tema. Inspirado no realismo neoclássico e nos conceitos estruturalistas empreendeu-se uma pesquisa quantitativa da dinâmica dos processos de elaboração da política declarada de defesa e seu correspondente alinhamento na construção ou desconstrução das estruturas de defesa no Pós-Segunda Grande Guerra, com vistas a compreender os novos caminhos que os sistemas de defesa selecionaram nesse início de século. Os documentos oficiais de defesa surgiram com escopo principal de promover a estabilidade e reduzir as incertezas no ambiente internacional, e pôde ser verificado que a difusão, desses documentos, ocorreu por ondas, durante o período da Guerra Fria, no Pós-Guerra Fria e depois dos atentados de 11 de setembro. A pesquisa também teve por escopo apresentar fatores domésticos e externos que contribuíram ou não para a difusão da documentação e também para a orientação doutrinária de defesa, usando como método de pesquisa o teste de Wald e a técnica implementada por Benoit, Laver e Garry, que desenvolveram uma forma de análise de textos políticos com auxílio de programa de computador, para estimar o posicionamento de cada documento por meio da contagem de palavras. Em que pese à pesquisa ser basicamente quantitativa, foram produzidos dois capítulos essencialmente qualitativos que tiveram o objetivo de prover os instrumentos quantitativos com um necessário arcabouço teórico, sendo feita uma análise mais qualitativa em 52 documentos de defesa e uma discussão teórica entre as principais correntes de pensamento que tratam do tema defesa. E por fim buscou-se atestar a validade desses documentos de defesa quanto aos propósitos que se destinam.
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Created as part of the 2016 Jackson School for International Studies SIS 495: Task Force.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of complacency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the first tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.
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For a middle power with a relatively short history of framing a self determined foreign policy, Australia has actively sought to engage with both its immediate region and the wider world. Elite agreement on this external orientation, however, has by no means entailed consensus on what this orientation might involve in terms of policy. Consequently, two, often conflicting, traditions and their associated myths have informed Australian foreign policy-making. The most enduring tradition shaping foreign policy views Australia as a somewhat isolated bastion of Western civilisation. In this mode Australia's myth is pragmatic, but uncertain and sees Asia as both an opportunity and a potential threat which requires the support and counsel of culturally similar external powers engaged in the region to ensure stability. Against this, an alternative and historically later tradition crafted a foreign policy that advanced Australian independence through engagement with a seemingly monolithic and increasingly prosperous Asia. This paper explores the evolution and limitations of these foreign policy traditions and the myths that sustain them. It further considers what features of these traditions continue to have resonance in a region that has become more fluid and heterogeneous than it was during the Cold War and which requires a foreign policy flexibility that can address this complex and strategically uncertain environment.
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New regionalism and globalization have been prominent themes in academic and political debates since the beginning of the 1990s. Despite the considerable amount of scholarly attention that the new regionalism has received in recent years, its full empirical and theoretical potential has yet to be fully investigated. This illuminating study provides an overview of new avenues in theorizing regionalism and proposes a consolidated framework for analysis and comparison. Offering a comparative historical perspective of European and Southeast Asian regionalism, it presents new and imaginative insights into the theory and practice of regionalism and the links between regional developments, globalization and international order. Contents: Introduction; Regionalism and integration theory the first wave: traditional approaches; New regionalism the second wave: towards a framework for comparative regionalism; Regionalism in the EU and ASEAN during the Cold War: the first wave; Second-wave regionalism: the post-Cold War period; Identifying regions: emerging regional identities in Europe and East Asia; Conclusion; Appendix; Bibliography; Index.
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Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.